SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
_________________
No. 21–857
_________________
MARCUS DEANGELO JONES, PETITIONER
v.
DEWAYNE HENDRIX, WARDEN
on writ of certiorari to the united states
court of appeals for the eighth circuit
[June 22, 2023]
Justice Jackson, dissenting.
Today, the Court holds that an incarcerated
individual who has already filed one postconviction petition cannot
file another one to assert a previously unavailable claim of
statutory innocence.[
1] The
majority says that result follows from a “straightforward” reading
of 28 U. S. C. §2255.
Ante, at 10, 12. But the
majority reaches this preclusion decision by “negative inference.”
Ante, at 10. And it is far from obvious that §2255(h)’s bar
on filing second or successive postconviction petitions (with
certain notable exceptions) prevents a prisoner who has previously
sought postconviction relief from bringing a newly available legal
innocence claim in court. See Part II,
infra.
In any event, putting aside its questionable
interpretation of §2255(h), the majority is also wrong to interpret
§2255(e)—known as the saving clause—as if Congress designed that
provision to filter potential habeas claims through the narrowest
of apertures, saving essentially only those that a court literally
would be unable to consider due to something akin to a natural
calamity. See Part I,
infra. This stingy characterization
does not reflect a primary aim of §2255(e), which was to “save” any
claim that was available prior to §2255(h)’s enactment where
Congress has not expressed a clear intent to foreclose it. Jones’s
legal innocence claim fits that mold.
I am also deeply troubled by the constitutional
implications of the nothing-to-see-here approach that the majority
takes with respect to the incarceration of potential legal
innocents. See Part III,
infra. Apparently, legally innocent
or not, Jones must just carry on in prison regardless, since (as
the majority reads §2255) no path exists for him to ask a federal
judge to consider his innocence assertion. But forever slamming the
courtroom doors to a possibly innocent person who has never had a
meaningful opportunity to get a new and retroactively applicable
claim for release reviewed on the merits raises serious
constitutional concerns.
Thus, in my view, all roads lead to an
interpretation of §2255 that is diametrically opposed to the one
that the majority announces. Whether one gets there by virtue of a
proper reading of §2255(e) or an informed understanding of
§2255(h), or by affording due respect to the core constitutional
interests at stake, Jones’s successive petition alleging legal
innocence should have been considered on the merits.[
2] Therefore, I respectfully dissent.
I
Section 2255(e) saves postconviction claims by
authorizing the filing of a habeas petition under §2241 if the
procedures §2255 affords are “inadequate or ineffective to test the
legality of [a prisoner’s] detention.” §2255(e). I see no reason
why the
only circumstance in which §2255’s procedures
qualify as inadequate or ineffective for saving clause purposes is
when it is impossible or impractical for a prisoner to file a §2255
motion. Contra,
ante, at 6–7. Quite to the contrary, the
enactment history of §2255 plainly establishes that Congress wanted
to ensure that a prisoner’s claim was “saved” in at least one
additional set of circumstances: Where the prisoner would have been
able to bring such a claim prior to the enactment of §2255 (or any
subsequent changes, like those made by the Antiterrorism and
Effective Death Penalty Act of 1996 (AEDPA)), but somehow cannot
bring that claim after a change to the statutory framework (unless
Congress has clearly expressed its intent to restrict the scope of
relief in that regard). As the majority has interpreted §2255(h),
that is precisely the situation here.
A
To understand why Congress meant for Jones to
be able to invoke the saving clause and bring his statutory
innocence claim in a habeas petition filed under §2241, a firm
grasp of the text, history, and intended operation of §2255(e) is
required.
1
The saving clause is the latter part of
§2255(e), which states in full:
“An application for a writ of habeas
corpus [o]n behalf of a prisoner who is authorized to apply for
relief by motion pursuant to this section, shall not be entertained
if it appears that the applicant has failed to apply for relief, by
motion, to the court which sentenced him, or that such court has
denied him relief,
unless it also appears that the remedy by
motion is inadequate or ineffective to test the legality of his
detention.” §2255(e) (emphasis added); see also §2255 (1946
ed., Supp. II) (§2255 (1948)).
Before §2255 was enacted in 1948, federal
prisoners collaterally attacked their convictions by filing a
habeas petition. See
United States v.
Hayman,
342 U.S.
205, 210–213 (1952). Such petitions sought judicial review of
the legality of the individual’s detention, and were filed in the
district where the person was incarcerated.
Ibid. This led
to some problems: Districts that housed large federal prisons were
disproportionately burdened with habeas petitions.
Id., at
213–214. Also, in many cases, the court deciding the petition was
both unfamiliar with the underlying facts and far away from the
relevant record, evidence, and witnesses.
Ibid.
Congress created §2255—an entirely new process
for federal prisoners to use when seeking postconviction judicial
review—to solve these practical problems.
Ante, at 5–6.
Under the procedures laid out in §2255, in lieu of filing a
traditional habeas petition, federal prisoners must file a §2255
motion. And any such motion is to be filed in the sentencing court,
not in the district of confinement. §2255(a) (2018 ed.); see
Hayman, 342 U. S., at 219.
Congress crafted (what is now) §2255(e) to
ensure that the new §2255 procedure successfully ousted the
outdated habeas regime it replaced. Per the first part of that
provision, as a general matter, §2255 becomes the exclusive
procedure by which federal prisoners can collaterally attack their
convictions. See §2255(e) (providing that “[a]n application for a
writ of habeas corpus . . . shall not be entertained”
where, in essence, the prisoner fails to bring an authorized §2255
motion, or does so and is denied relief ). Yet Congress also
specified that, in a circumstance in which §2255 is “inadequate or
ineffective to test the legality of his detention,” an individual
could still file a habeas petition.
Ibid.
There are multiple ways in which §2255 might be
“insufficient” or “[n]ot capable of performing the required work”
of postconviction review of federal convictions. Webster’s New
International Dictionary 1254, 1271 (2d ed. 1934) (defining
“inadequate” and “ineffective” in this manner); see also Funk &
Wagnalls New Standard Dictionary of the English Language 1239, 1255
(1942) (similar). For example, §2255 would not be up to the task if
it would be impossible or impracticable for a federal prisoner to
file a §2255 petition.
Ante, at 6, 11.
The case before us involves another way that
§2255 can be inadequate or ineffective—where the newly created
§2255 procedure, perhaps inadvertently, blocks a prisoner from
bringing a claim that was previously cognizable in habeas. This is
an inadequacy concerning the operation of §2255 from Congress’s
perspective, because the “sole purpose” of §2255 “was to minimize
the difficulties encountered in habeas corpus hearings” while still
“affording
the same rights in another and more convenient
forum.”
Hayman, 342 U. S., at 219 (emphasis added); see
also
Davis v.
United States,
417
U.S. 333, 343 (1974) (“Th[e] history makes clear that §2255 was
intended to afford federal prisoners a remedy
identical in
scope to federal habeas corpus” (emphasis added));
Sanders v.
United States,
373 U.S.
1, 14 (1963) (“[I]t conclusively appears from the historic
context in which §2255 was enacted that the legislation was
intended simply to provide in the sentencing court a remedy
exactly commensurate with that which had previously been
available by habeas corpus” (emphasis added; internal quotation
marks omitted)).
That much is not in dispute—the majority
acknowledges that Congress intended to maintain equivalence with
the claims available in habeas when it enacted §2255. See
ante, 5–6. Consequently, in any circumstance in which the
new §2255 procedure actually operates to foreclose a postconviction
claim that a prisoner could have brought previously in a habeas
petition, the §2255 process is patently inadequate to accomplish
Congress’s aim of allowing prisoners to test the legality of their
detention under §2255 to the same extent as they could have in the
habeas regime that §2255 replaced.
Thus, the saving clause can be properly
interpreted as effectuating Congress’s intent in this regard. As
the Government persuasively argues, by inserting a provision that
allows prisoners to still file habeas petitions, Congress
“ensure[d] that Section 2255 does not disadvantage federal
prisoners as compared to habeas.” Brief for Respondent 17; see also
Boumediene v.
Bush,
553 U.S.
723, 776 (2008) (noting that the purpose of §2255 was “to
strengthen, rather than dilute, the writ’s protections” and further
recognizing that the saving clause served that purpose). That is,
where a federal prisoner could have brought a particular habeas
claim prior to 1948, but could not bring such a claim in a §2255
petition after that date, the saving clause kicks in to permit that
individual to resort to habeas to raise that claim.
This reading of §2255(e) means that the saving
clause operates (at the very least, and as it was enacted in 1948)
to preserve from inadvertent extinguishment postconviction claims
that would have been previously cognizable for federal prisoners
but cannot be brought by operation of §2255. And the flip side of
that interpretation—that §2255 is inadequate or ineffective if it
sub silentio extinguishes previously available habeas
claims, triggering the saving clause—inexorably follows. This
interpretation tracks Congress’s clear claim-preservation goal.
And, as an added bonus, it also has the benefit of being in
accordance with how saving clauses usually work. See 2 J.
Sutherland, Statutory Construction §4830, pp. 376–377 (3d ed. 1943)
(defining “saving clause” as a provision “said to preserve from
destruction certain rights, remedies or privileges which would
otherwise be destroyed by the general enactment”); see,
e.g.,
Andrus v.
Shell Oil Co.,
446 U.S.
657, 666 (1980) (noting that Congress included a “savings
clause” in the statute at issue to “preserv[e] pre-existing
claims”);
United States v.
Menasche,
348 U.S.
528, 535 (1955) (noting that the purpose of a saving clause in
the immigration context was to “manifes[t] a well-established
congressional policy not to strip [noncitizens] of advantages
gained under prior laws”).
2
Fast forward to 1996: Congress reenacted the
saving clause—using identical language—when it passed AEDPA.
§2255(e); §2255 (1948). Thus, because the saving clause operated in
1948 to “save” from inadvertent extinguishment habeas claims that
were available before the enactment of §2255, the same was true
when Congress revised those procedures in the mid-1990s, while
keeping the saving clause intact. In other words, both in 1948 and
to this day, the saving clause operates to (among other things)
ensure that §2255—or the AEDPA amendments—did not, through inapt
language, substantively alter the scope of available postconviction
relief for federal prisoners.
This is not to say that Congress necessarily
carried forward all of its previous policy determinations with
respect to the availability of postconviction claims, or that it
did not change its mind at all about the appropriate dimensions of
postconviction relief. Indeed, habeas is a dynamic remedy, and
congressional enactments contribute to its evolution. See
Felker v.
Turpin,
518 U.S.
651, 664 (1996); see also 2 R. Hertz & J. Liebman, Federal
Habeas Corpus Practice and Procedure §28.4[a], p. 1738 (7th ed.
2020) (Hertz & Liebman) (“Anglo-American law . . .
has imposed an evolving set of restrictions on second and
subsequent petitions”). But, again, the saving clause—which served
an important equalizing function—remained intact when Congress
reenacted §2255 in 1996. Thus, while Congress can certainly act to
change the scope of habeas or its statutory equivalent if it wants
to do so, in order to overcome the operation of the saving clause
(which, again, was inserted to maintain equivalence in the absence
of intent to make a change), Congress has to make said change to
the availability of postconviction relief deliberately and clearly,
thereby unequivocally expressing its intent to do so. See
Holland v.
Florida,
560 U.S.
631, 646 (2010);
infra, at 25–28.
All this means that today (as in 1948) the
saving clause is best interpreted as allowing for the filing of a
habeas petition under §2241 where a claim that was cognizable prior
to AEDPA cannot be brought under §2255, unless Congress has clearly
expressed its intent to foreclose that particular claim.
B
That brings us to the situation at issue here.
When Congress amended §2255 by enacting AEDPA, it legislated
against a legal background in which a federal prisoner could bring
a statutory innocence claim in a §2255 petition. The majority does
not dispute this. See
ante, at 18–19. Nor could it, because
this Court made crystal clear in 1974 in
Davis that
statutory innocence claims are legally cognizable in a §2255
motion. 417 U. S., at 343–347.[
3]
Moreover, prior to AEDPA’s enactment, a federal
prisoner could bring such a postconviction claim of statutory
innocence
in a successive petition. This Court had generally
restricted successive postconviction filings by the 1990s, but a
prisoner who had previously filed at least one petition could still
file another one in order to assert innocence. That was because any
bar to the filing of a successive petition was typically lifted if
enforcing that bar would result in a “miscarriage of justice.”
McCleskey v.
Zant,
499 U.S.
467, 494–495 (1991); Hertz & Liebman §28.4[g], at 1757; see
Brief for Respondent 22–24. And under our settled precedent, legal
innocence claims fit that category. See
Davis, 417
U. S., at 346 (“There can be no room for doubt” that
“conviction and punishment . . . for an act that the law
does not make criminal” “ ‘inherently results in a complete
miscarriage of justice’ ”); see also
Bousley v.
United States,
523 U.S.
614, 623–624 (1998).
These background principles relate to the
successive petition that Jones seeks to bring here as follows. If
the majority is right that (by virtue of §2255(h)) prisoners like
Jones are now unable to bring a successive §2255 petition to make
the same kind of legal innocence claim that they could have brought
prior to AEDPA, then Congress’s enactment of §2255(h) has
dramatically altered the legal landscape in a manner that seems, at
best, inconsistent with its original intent. To repeat: The saving
clause expresses a congressional intent to maintain
equivalence between what a prisoner could claim before and
after §2255(h); yet under the majority’s reading, §2255(h)’s
“second or successive” bar would effectively operate to preclude
successive legal innocence claims—
shrinking the universe of
previously available claims—the opposite of what Congress set out
to do when it set up §2255.
In my view, that is where the saving clause
comes in. Reading the saving clause to perform its normal, intended
function of “saving” previously available claims solves this
problem, because it allows prisoners who could have brought a claim
prior to the enactment of AEDPA (like Jones) to file a habeas
petition to the extent that §2255 now precludes such a filing under
that particular statutory mechanism. Thus, interpreting §2255(e)’s
“inadequate and ineffective” language to permit the filing of a
habeas petition that raises a legal innocence claim in these
circumstances seems perfectly consistent with Congress’s
intent.
This understanding of the saving clause also
explains the clause’s application—or, more precisely, its
inapplicability—to the types of claims specifically
mentioned in §§2255(h)(1) and (2). Congress has expressly
overridden operation of the saving clause with respect to those two
provisions, because it has clearly expressed its intent to narrow
the scope of postconviction relief where a federal prisoner brings
a successive petition raising a claim of new evidence or new
constitutional law.[
4] “A
legislature may adopt a policy different from that embodied in the
general saving statute.” M. Ruud, The Savings Clause—Some Problems
in Construction and Drafting, 33 Texas L. Rev. 285, 299 (1955). And
here, no one questions that, with §§2255(h)(1) and (2), Congress
clearly did so. Brief for Respondent 26–28. But the majority now
reasons that, merely by omitting statutory innocence claims from
that authorized-filings list, Congress should be deemed to have
exhibited a narrowing intent with respect to those claims as well.
See
ante, at 1–2, 12.
I disagree. Indeed, in my view, it is precisely
because the text of §§2255(h)(1) and (2) speaks unequivocally to
the narrowing Congress wished to effect with respect to
new-evidence and new-constitutional claims that we should
not ascertain that Congress meant for the second or
successive bar to have the same effect with respect to legal
innocence claims—which, importantly, the statute does not mention.
To put it bluntly: Congress knows how to speak clearly when it
wants to disrupt the continuity of claims that are available to
prisoners before and after it enacts legislation that addresses
postconviction review procedures. And rather than providing any
such clear statement as to how an intervening claim of statutory
innocence should be treated vis-à-vis §2255(h)’s second or
successive bar, Congress was conspicuously silent.[
5]
C
The majority advances an entirely different
theory of the work that §2255(e) does with respect to the
postconviction review scheme—a theory that I do not find even
remotely persuasive. Opting for the narrowest possible view of
Congress’s intent regarding the saving clause, the majority
generally claims that the saving clause only authorizes the filing
of a habeas petition if filing a §2255 motion would be “impossible
or impracticable.”
Ante, at 6, 11. And in the majority’s
telling, that circumstance only occurs, say, if the courthouse
where a §2255 motion would have otherwise been filed has burned to
the ground or been carried away by a mudslide. The majority’s
parsimonious perspective on the meaning of “inadequate or
ineffective” is flawed in many respects.
First and foremost, it is entirely atextual. The
majority cites exactly zero dictionary definitions of the terms
“inadequate” or “ineffective.” And while it does reference an
earlier draft of the legislation that became §2255,
ante, at
7 (quoting
Hayman, 342 U. S., at 215, n. 23), it fails
to mention that Congress specifically
rejected language that
embraced the majority’s “impracticable only” proposition. See
Hayman, 342 U. S., at 215, n. 23;
In re
Dorsainvil,
119
F.3d 245, 250 (CA3 1997).
Furthermore, while the majority opinion
accurately recites the history and purpose of §2255, see
ante, at 5–6, it ignores the
import of that history.
As explained above, when Congress enacted §2255 in 1948, it
intended to ensure equivalence between traditional habeas and the
new §2255 mechanism for postconviction review.
Supra, at 5.
Accordingly, Congress inserted the saving clause to ensure that
certain pre-existing postconviction claims (say, a claim of
statutory innocence) could still be heard even if the statutory
language Congress was adopting inadvertently barred them.
Supra, at 3–7. And Congress preserved the language of
§2255(e)—the language that performs the equalizing function—in
1996, even as it made other significant changes to §2255.
Supra, at 7–8.
Ignoring all this, the majority grounds its
analysis of §2255(e) in a scattershot of lower court cases that the
majority claims “[t]raditionally” viewed the saving clause as
solving only for practical filing problems.
Ante, at 6–7. To
be sure, a handful of lower courts applied the saving clause where
the sentencing court was dissolved.
Ibid. But lower courts
have also “[t]raditionally,”
ante, at 6, treated the saving
clause as permitting individuals with previously unavailable
statutory innocence claims to file habeas petitions in light of
§2255(h)’s successive-petition bar.
Prost v.
Anderson, 636 F.3d 578, 605 (CA10 2011) (Seymour, J.,
concurring in part and dissenting in part).[
6] The majority also fails to grapple with
this
Court’s own opinions that suggest a broader interpretation of the
saving clause is proper. See
Swain v.
Pressley,
430 U.S.
372, 381–382 (1977);
Sanders, 373 U. S., at 14–15;
Hayman, 342 U. S., at 223; Brief for Respondent
17–18.
It appears the majority’s interpretation of
§2255(e) is primarily attributable to its concern that interpreting
the saving clause to permit Jones to file a habeas petition might
authorize an “end-run” around §2255’s procedures.
Ante, at
10–11, 14. I think those fears are vastly overblown.
Properly interpreted, a §2255 motion is only
“inadequate or ineffective” when the potential procedural bar does
not provide a prisoner with any meaningful opportunity to present a
claim. And
that circumstance does not exist any time a
procedural limitation in §2255 screens out a claim. For example, if
an individual does not raise his legal innocence claim in a §2255
motion in a timely fashion, see §2255(f ), he cannot resort to
the saving clause to file a habeas petition; that individual
did have a meaningful opportunity to raise his claim
pursuant to the §2255 process, but missed the window of
opportunity. Similarly, where Congress has clearly narrowed the
scope of postconviction relief—as it has done for claims of new
evidence and new constitutional rules—it has overridden the
equivalence aim that would otherwise render §2255 inadequate or
ineffective, such that the saving clause does not apply. On top of
this, given the congruence purpose underlying §2255(e), an
individual can resort to habeas via §2255(e) only where the
particular claim he seeks to bring would have been cognizable under
pre-AEDPA principles.
Thus, the majority has no good answer to
interpreting the saving clause as doing what Congress crafted it to
do—among other things, ensuring equivalence between §2255 and the
prior postconviction remedy being replaced or modified, unless
Congress clearly establishes otherwise. A successive statutory
innocence claim could have been brought prior to the 1996 addition
of §2255(h), and Congress has not clearly foreclosed such claims in
the text of §2255. Therefore, the saving clause applies, and Jones
should have been permitted to raise his legal innocence claim by
filing a habeas petition under §2241.
II
The foregoing analysis assumes, as the
majority does, that the only hope of a prisoner in Jones’s position
is to assert his statutory innocence claim via a habeas petition
filed under §2241 per the saving clause, because §2255(h) prevents
the filing of such a successive §2255 motion. But I would not be so
quick to assume that a successive §2255 motion asserting statutory
innocence is impermissible due to §2255(h). Here is why.
Nothing in the whole of §2255 suggests that
Congress ever considered the scenario presented in this case—one in
which a prisoner who has already filed a postconviction motion
suddenly gets a new claim of legal innocence (after his first
petition was filed) based on a development in Supreme Court case
law. Therefore, it is not at all clear that Congress determined
that such an individual is simply out of luck. Far from making the
decision that a prisoner in this circumstance should not be
permitted to raise that newly available claim by filing another
§2255 motion—as the majority maintains—Congress has simply never
spoken to what is supposed to happen with newly available claims of
legal innocence.
To reach today’s conclusion, then, the majority
draws a “negative inference” that Congress intended for §2255’s
“second or successive” bar to preclude successive filings that
contain legal innocence claims.
Ante, at 10. But the
majority’s inferential reasoning is highly problematic in at least
two respects.
First, negative inferences drawn without proper
context can be notoriously unreliable. And, as detailed below,
there are myriad reasons for skepticism here. Section 2255(h)’s
anti-claim-splitting purpose is one. Another is the likely reason
that legal innocence claims do not appear in the text of the
statute (spoiler alert: they were inadvertently omitted).
Background equitable principles and the practical consequences of
preventing the filing of successive petitions in this circumstance
are additional key contextual clues that the majority seems to have
missed.
Second, I am suspicious of the majority’s choice
to resort to inferential reasoning at all, given that this Court
has long held that we will not read a statute to displace access to
“the great writ” unless Congress has been clear about its intention
to accomplish this result.
Ex parte Yerger, 8 Wall. 85, 95,
102 (1869). The clear-statement rule is plainly applicable here,
and the majority offers the flimsiest of explanations for its
decision to deviate from its application at the threshold of
today’s interpretation.
In short, as shown below, the initial assumption
that Congress necessarily meant for §2255(h) to bar Jones’s
successive petition asserting statutory innocence is shaky, at
best. I would have held that Jones’s petition can proceed, even
without reliance on the saving clause, because §2255(h) does not
bar it.
A
The majority says that “since [AEDPA], second
or successive §2255 motions are barred unless they rely on” one of
two (and only two) circumstances: “ ‘newly discovered
evidence,’ §2255(h)(1), or ‘a new rule of constitutional law,’
§2255(h)(2).”
Ante, at 1. Legal innocence claims are barred,
the majority holds, pursuant to this “straightforward negative
inference.”
Ante, at 10. But there is a good reason that the
negative-inference canon “must be applied with great caution.” A.
Scalia & B. Garner, Reading Law: The Interpretation of Legal
Texts 107 (2012). And the reason is that “its application depends
so much on context.”
Ibid. In this case, for instance, there
are several strong contextual clues that substantially undercut the
majority’s purportedly “straightforward” inferential reasoning.
1
First of all, while the majority interprets
§2255(h) as if Congress designed that provision to impose
“finality” without regard to the claims at issue (other than the
two listed situations), see
ante, at 12, as it turns out,
that is not the primary purpose of §2255(h). Instead, §2255(h)’s
“second or successive petition” bar was inserted into AEDPA to
ensure that all
available claims a prisoner has are brought
in a single postconviction petition. In circumstances where the
prisoner seeks to assert a claim that was previously
unavailable (
i.e., a claim that could not have been
raised before), Congress permitted successive petitions.
Explaining this fully requires me to make a
preliminary big-picture point. Section 2255 (originally and as
amended by AEDPA) is not a gauntlet of arbitrary hurdles that
Congress has erected to stymie prisoners who seek to obtain
judicial review of their detention. Indeed, as explained, when
Congress first enacted §2255, it had no intention of shrinking the
catalog of available postconviction claims.
Ante, at 5–6;
see also Part I,
supra. To be sure, Congress has undertaken
to restrict the writ’s availability somewhat since §2255 was first
enacted, but it has nevertheless continued to appreciate the
significance of access to postconviction review of the legality of
a prisoner’s detention. Hence, even after AEDPA, Congress permits
all incarcerated individuals—including those who have been
convicted of serious crimes and who are serving sentences that have
been imposed by courts of competent jurisdiction—to seek collateral
relief. See §§2254(a), 2255(a).
Still, when it enacted AEDPA in 1996, Congress
was aware of how §2255’s postconviction processes had been
operating on the ground since §2255’s enactment. Thus, Congress
quite rationally sought to “ ‘balance’ ” the
“ ‘individual interest in justice that arises in the
extraordinary case’ ” with “ ‘the societal interests in
finality, comity, and conservation of scarce judicial
resources.’ ”
McQuiggin v.
Perkins,
569 U.S.
383, 393 (2013) (quoting
Schlup v.
Delo,
513 U.S.
298, 324 (1995)).
Section 2255(h) reflects this balancing. “What
emerges from a review of the debates over the successive petition
restrictions is a clear sense that” Congress wanted to “preven[t]
manipulation of the system through relitigation of previously
presented claims or strategic withholding of claims for later
presentation,” while still creating “a mechanism that would allow
prisoners to have one full, fair chance to present their
meritorious . . . claims to the federal courts.” B.
Stevenson, The Politics of Fear and Death: Successive Problems in
Capital Federal Habeas Corpus Cases, 77 N. Y. U. L.
Rev. 699, 772 (2002). As Senator Hatch said at the time: “We have
provided for protection of Federal habeas corpus, but we do it one
time and that is it—unless, of course, they can truly come up with
evidence of innocence that could not have been presented at trial.
There we allow successive petitions.” 141 Cong. Rec. 15042 (1995).
Then-Senator Biden similarly explained that the goal of AEDPA was
“essentially giving one bite out of the apple to drastically reduce
the ability to have successive petitions unless there is some
egregious action that is learned about after the petition is filed,
the first petition.”
Id., at 15027.[
7]
Thus, Congress enacted §2255(h) to prevent
prisoners from engaging in manipulative filing practices—such as
claim splitting,
i.e., the inefficient business of prisoners
with time on their hands doling out their
existing
postconviction claims in a series of successive motions filed in
court seriatim. See
Sanders, 373 U. S., at 18 (noting
that a prisoner may “deliberately withhol[d]” or “deliberately
abando[n]” claims in a first postconviction petition “in the hope
of being granted two hearings rather than one”).[
8] And, tellingly, because Congress was
focused on
that problem—not attempting to impose “finality”
writ large—it did not bar
all successive petitions; to the
contrary, it proceeded to identify particular circumstances in
which another collateral challenge
would be authorized.
§§2255(h)(1)–(2).
Additional doubts about the majority’s negative
inference surface when one recognizes that the two circumstances
Congress carved out of the successive-petition bar share an
important common thread: Both situations relate to the
newness of the claim that the prisoner seeks to assert in a
successive petition. That is, both prongs of §2255(h) that
authorize a successive petition do so where a petitioner brings a
claim that arose after the time in which the prisoner would or
could have filed his first petition.
Ibid. (authorizing
successive petitions raising “
newly discovered evidence” or
“a
new rule of constitutional law” (emphasis added)).
In light of this key observation, the majority’s
assumption that §2255(h) bars Jones’s claim is significantly
hobbled. Jones’s statutory innocence claim is also “new”—in the
sense that it was not available to him when his first §2255
petition was filed.[
9] And
Jones’s claim shares other features of the circumstances that
Congress exempted from the “second or successive” general
prohibition as well—including that it implicates innocence, see
§2255(h)(1), and stems from a retroactively applicable Supreme
Court opinion, see §2255(h)(2). Nor does the filing of Jones’s
successive petition implicate any anti-claim-splitting rationale,
as Jones did not manipulatively withhold his legal innocence claim
during his initial §2255 proceedings. Indeed, he could not possibly
have done so, since this Court did not decide
Rehaif v.
United States, 588 U. S. ___ (2019), which provided the
basis for his claim, until nearly two decades after Jones filed his
first petition.
In short, it is hard to believe that a Congress
that expressly authorized “new” claims involving innocence or those
that arise from developments in Supreme Court case law despite
§2255(h)’s successive-petition bar also meant for §2255(h) to
preclude Jones from bringing the claim that he seeks to file
here.
2
The majority’s negative inference also rests
on the bald assumption that Congress
intentionally left
statutory innocence out of its list of carveouts, because it wanted
those claims to be barred if brought in a successive petition.
Ante, at 12 (asserting that “Congress has
chosen
finality over error correction” with respect to statutory innocence
claims brought in successive petitions (emphasis added)). But there
is a perfectly logical alternative explanation for why statutory
innocence claims do not appear as express exclusions in the text of
§2255(h), an explanation that is based on another important
contextual reference point: the enactment history of the
statute.
Section 2255(h) was enacted in the same Public
Law as §2244(b), a provision that contains analogous
second-or-successive petition limitations for
state
prisoners. Indeed, Congress “appears to have modeled §2255(h)(2)”
on those state-prisoner provisions.
Chazen v.
Marske,
938 F.3d 851, 863 (CA7 2019) (Barrett, J., concurring) (citing R.
Fallon, J. Manning, D. Meltzer, & D. Shapiro, Hart and
Wechsler’s The Federal Courts and the Federal System 1362 (7th ed.
2015) (Hart & Wechsler)). Like §2255(h), §2244(b)—the model
provision—does
not address statutory innocence claims in any
fashion. But that is simply because there is no such thing as a
statutory innocence claim in the realm of federal collateral relief
for state prisoners. See Hart & Wechsler 1362; see also
Estelle v.
McGuire,
502 U.S.
62, 67 (1991) (“[F]ederal habeas corpus relief does not lie for
errors of state law” (internal quotation marks omitted)).
Thus, as others have observed, when Congress
crafted §2255(h) based on the state-prisoner model in §2244(b), it
seems to have “ ‘lost sight of the fact that’ ” federally
incarcerated individuals “ ‘
can raise federal
statutory claims in their collateral attacks.’ ”
Chazen, 938 F. 3d, at 863 (quoting Hart & Wechsler
1362; emphasis added);
Chazen, 938 F. 3d, at 863
(suggesting that the omission of legal innocence claims from
§2255(h) was due to “congressional oversight”); Reply Brief for
Respondent 15.
To me, this contextual revelation rocks the
foundation of the majority’s negative inference. That is, it is
plausible (and perhaps even likely) that Congress did not
appreciate fully that the modeled-after language establishing a
successive-petition bar did not capture the full scope of available
claims for federal prisoners.[
10] And, of course, if Congress simply overlooked
statutory innocence claims when it crafted §2255(h), then the
omitted language that the majority puts so much stock in is not
actually indicative of Congress having “chosen finality” with
respect to statutory innocence claims.
Ante, at 12. Instead,
the absence of any textual reference to statutory innocence would
be wholly unremarkable.
3
Given the purpose and history of §2255(h) as I
have just described them, I find quite compelling the Government’s
observation that “[n]othing in AEDPA [actually] justifies an
inference that Congress silently repealed the traditional
[postconviction] remedy for federal prisoners who have been
imprisoned for conduct that Congress did not criminalize.” Brief
for Respondent 28. I proceed here to add that nothing
outside of AEDPA—not the background legal principles that
existed at the time Congress enacted the statute, nor the practical
consequences of reading §2255(h) in this manner—supports that
inference either.
Take equity, for instance. When Congress crafted
§2255(h), it legislated against an important background equitable
principle pertaining to postconviction relief: Courts should not
interpret statutory provisions governing habeas review to even
“ ‘run the risk’ ” of causing prisoners to
“ ‘forever los[e] their opportunity for any federal review of
their . . . claims.’ ”
Panetti v.
Quarterman,
551 U.S.
930, 945–946 (2007) (quoting
Rhines v.
Weber,
544 U.S.
269, 275 (2005)); see also
Stewart v.
Martinez-Villareal,
523 U.S.
637, 645 (1998). This means that Congress was well aware that
courts consistently “rel[y] on equitable doctrines to carve out
. . . ways petitioners can bypass [otherwise applicable]
procedural obstacles” when a prisoner has “not had a full and fair
opportunity to litigate their federal claims.” E. Primus, Equitable
Gateways: Toward Expanded Federal Habeas Corpus Review of
State-Court Criminal Convictions, 61 Ariz. L. Rev. 291, 305
(2019).[
11] Knowing that
courts are equitable tribunals that tend to operate in this fashion
should have prompted Congress to express its intention to override
that value (assuming that it actually intended to completely
foreclose new legal innocence claims). Congress did not do so; yet
the majority reads its silence to accomplish that same
extraordinarily inequitable result.[
12]
The practical consequences that inure from the
majority’s reading also undercut substantially the negative
inference upon which the majority relies. We have consistently
warned that courts should “resis[t] an interpretation of [AEDPA]
that would ‘produce troublesome results’ [and] ‘create procedural
anomalies.’ ”
Panetti, 551 U. S., at 946 (quoting
Castro v.
United States,
540
U.S. 375, 380 (2003)). The majority does not speak to this at
all, but its interpretation of §2255 produces bizarre outcomes.
First, there is the quirky procedural anomaly
that arises due to the fact that statutory innocence claims are
fully authorized in the postconviction review context. This Court’s
recognition that a statute covers a narrower scope of criminal
conduct than was previously acknowledged falls within the narrow
subset of criminal law decisions that are fully retroactive,
meaning that a federal prisoner can rely upon that new
determination whether his case is still on direct review or not.
Schriro v.
Summerlin,
542 U.S.
348, 351–352 (2004);
Bousley, 523 U. S., at
620–621. But reading §2255(h) to bar a successive petition raising
legal innocence would mean that most prisoners who would
(remarkably) be eligible for such retroactive relief would turn out
to have no mechanism for actually requesting it. A strange
practical conundrum, to say the least.
Inferring that §2255(h) bars legal innocence
claims when brought in a successive petition also produces
stunningly disparate results that bear no relationship to
Congress’s purported finality goals. Consider two individuals who
have been convicted of the same federal crime—perhaps two
codefendants who were tried and sentenced together. Both complete
their direct appeals, but only one files a §2255 motion within
AEDPA’s statute of limitations, while the other one decides not to
or misses the deadline. If §2255(h) bars a successive petition
raising a legal innocence claim, then when
Rehaif is handed
down—altering the elements of the crime of conviction such that
both prisoners have a colorable claim of legal
innocence—only the one who did not previously file a §2255 petition
can raise this retroactive statutory innocence claim.
Reference to Congress’s interest in “finality”
cannot explain this odd unequal treatment. Under the Court’s
interpretation, a prisoner whose conviction became final
30
years ago can assert a
Rehaif claim if he never
previously filed a §2255 motion, whereas someone whose conviction
became final
2 years ago cannot if he has already had a
§2255 petition adjudicated.[
13]
Interpreting §2255(h) as completely foreclosing
successive petitions bringing statutory innocence claims also
places prisoners in an untenable catch-22 that cannot be what any
rational Congress actually intended. Consider what has happened in
this very case. Per AEDPA’s statute of limitations, Jones had to
file his first §2255 petition within one year of his conviction
becoming final. §2255(f ). He did so, and that petition was
successful; the Eighth Circuit found that Jones had received
ineffective assistance of counsel.
United States v.
Jones,
403 F.3d 604, 605 (2005). In the majority’s view, by seeking to
vindicate his Sixth Amendment rights in this way, Jones has
forfeited, forever and for all time, his right to rely on any new
retroactive Supreme Court opinion that suggests he is incarcerated
for noncriminal behavior. There is no indication that Congress
meant for Jones and other prisoners in his position to have to
choose between pursing an ineffective-assistance-of-counsel
claim and a claim of legal innocence.
* * *
Despite all this, the majority clings to its
“straightforward” negative inference and interprets §2255(h) as a
bar to a court’s consideration of Jones’s legal innocence claim. My
point is that, with so many contextual indicators that Congress did
not really mean for §2255(h) to be read to preclude new claims of
statutory innocence, the Court should have simply determined that
Jones’s petition, which asserts such a claim, was not plainly
barred by §2255(h), and could thus proceed in a successive §2255
petition.
B
Instead of drawing an inference about the
operation of §2255(h), the most “straightforward” way of
determining whether Jones’s legal innocence claim is precluded by
statute,
ante, at 12, would have been to apply our
clear-statement rule to today’s interpretation.
1
A “longstanding rule” of this Court,
INS v.
St. Cyr,
533 U.S.
289, 298 (2001), the clear-statement rule directs that, before
interpreting a congressional enactment as “ ‘clos[ing the
Court’s] doors to a class of habeas petitioners,’ ” the Court
must search for a “ ‘clear indication that such was Congress’
intent,’ ”
Panetti, 551 U. S., at 946 (quoting
Castro, 540 U. S., at 381). This principle recognizes
that Congress must “speak unambiguously when it seeks to effect a
result that, although constitutional, would undermine a
constitutionally derived value.” J. Manning, Textualism and the
Equity of the Statute, 101 Colum. L. Rev. 1, 121–122 (2001)
(Manning). And, before today, this Court has repeatedly recognized
the importance of the clear-statement rule with respect to any
analysis of an Act of Congress that potentially restricts access to
the writ of habeas corpus or its statutory equivalent.[
14] In fact, “where a provision
precluding review is claimed to bar habeas review,” we have
“required a
particularly clear statement.”
Demore v.
Kim,
538 U.S.
510, 517 (2003) (emphasis added).
The clear-statement rule is plainly implicated
here. Under the state of the law at the time AEDPA was enacted,
prisoners were entitled to bring a petition to assert a new claim
of legal innocence, even a second or successive petition.
Supra, at 8–9. Congress could change that state of affairs,
but, under the clear-statement rule, if it intended to do so, it
needed to speak clearly to effectuate that result.
At a more general level of analysis, the
clear-statement rule also applies to these circumstances because
the interpretive question in this case touches upon the venerated
writ of habeas corpus—the only writ that is expressly mentioned in
the Constitution. Art. I, §9, cl. 2;
Holland, 560
U. S., at 649. We have long recognized that the
clear-statement rule serves the core liberty interests protected by
the writ of habeas corpus. See
Ex parte Yerger, 8
Wall., at 103 (holding, more than 150 years ago, that the Court had
jurisdiction over a particular habeas petition and relying on the
clear-statement rule to reach that conclusion, explaining that, to
conclude otherwise, would “greatly weaken the efficacy of the writ”
and “deprive the citizen in many cases of its benefits”). Likewise,
in modern times, we have been especially careful to reference
clear-statement principles, and thereby eschew statutory
interpretations that would (perhaps unintentionally) foreclose
judicial review of postconviction claims, even where the text of
the statute might (sometimes even strongly) suggest
otherwise.[
15]
Furthermore, and significantly for present
purposes, we have already determined that the necessary “clear
statement” here—
i.e., the signal from Congress that
justifies reading a statute as foreclosing access to venerated
postconviction review processes—c
annot be derived from negative
inferences drawn from statutory text. In
Ex parte
Yerger, for instance, we declared that interpreting a
statute to “[r]epea[l] by implication” habeas jurisdiction is “not
favored.” 8 Wall., at 105. More recently, we warned (again) that
“[i]mplications from statutory text or legislative history are not
sufficient to repeal habeas jurisdiction; instead, Congress must
articulate specific and unambiguous statutory directives to effect
a repeal.”
St. Cyr, 533 U. S., at 299 (citing
Ex parte Yerger, 8 Wall., at 105). And, again, in
Holland, this Court explained that the clear-statement rule
generally prohibits a court from inferring that the “inclu[sion of]
one item . . . is to exclude other similar items” in
order to read a statute as forbidding review of a postconviction
claim. 560 U. S., at 648; see also
id., at 649
(“counsel[ing] hesitancy before interpreting AEDPA’s statutory
silence as indicating a congressional intent to close courthouse
doors”). Yet, here, as the majority appears to admit, the only way
to read §2255(h) as barring Jones’s statutory innocence claim is to
infer that such preclusion is what Congress intended.
Ante, at 10, 23.
This case would have been easily resolved if we
had applied the clear-statement rule at the outset, as we have
always done in cases of this nature. Doing so would have
appropriately eliminated a reading of §2255(h) that forecloses
access to habeas relief by negative implication. Use of the rule
would have thus protected core constitutional norms by “ensur[ing]
Congress does not, by broad or general language, legislate on a
sensitive topic inadvertently or without due deliberation.”
Spector v.
Norwegian Cruise Line Ltd.,
545 U.S.
119, 139 (2005) (opinion of Kennedy, J.); see also
Will
v.
Michigan Dept. of State Police,
491 U.S.
58, 65 (1989).
2
In the last few pages of its opinion, the
Court makes the unceremonious (but still startling) announcement
that the clear-statement rule is inapplicable to today’s analysis
of §2255(h).
Ante, at 23–25.[
16] Try as it might, in my view, the majority has failed
to provide a single persuasive reason for this dramatic break.
First, the majority suggests that the
clear-statement rule is not appropriate when interpreting
provisions related to “finality”—and seems to draw a line between
AEDPA’s statute of limitations, which does get clear-statement
treatment, and its provisions governing successive petitions.
Ante, at 23–24. This is nonsense. Both AEDPA provisions use
similar language. §2255(f ) (“A 1-year period of limitation
shall apply to a motion under this section”); §2255(h) (“A second
or successive motion must . . . contain . . .
”). And both procedural limitations relate to Congress’s interest
in finality.
Ante, at 24;
Wood v.
Milyard,
566 U.S.
463, 472 (2012) (noting that AEDPA’s statute of limitations
“lends
finality to . . . court judgments within a
reasonable time” (emphasis added; internal quotation marks
omitted)).[
17]
Next, the majority conspicuously downplays the
stakes in this case. Not once does its opinion make direct mention
of the fact that the claim the majority says §2255(h) silently
precludes is one that implicates core values because it involves
legal innocence. Instead, the majority repeatedly describes
Jones’s bid for access to the postconviction review process as
bringing a mere “statutory” claim.
Ante, at 2, 12, 21,
23.[
18] But statutory claims
that suggest a person’s innocence are different in kind from more
run-of-the-mill statutory claims, such as a technical,
nonprejudicial violation of a criminal procedure rule. See
United States v.
Addonizio,
442
U.S. 178, 186–187 (1979);
Davis, 417 U. S., at
346–347 (citing
Hill v.
United States,
368 U.S.
424, 428–429 (1962)). In any event, the majority does not cite
a single case that suggests that an Act of Congress that threatens
to cut off access to habeas (or its statutory equivalent) should be
treated any differently for purposes of application of the
clear-statement rule if a petitioner’s claim has a statutory
basis.
The majority’s most full-throated defense of its
jettisoning of clear-statement principles lies in its attempt to
cast statutory innocence claims as not “historically or
constitutionally grounded.”
Ante, at 24–25. The first and
most obvious problem with this effort is that the historical
pedigree of a claim is irrelevant for clear-statement purposes. The
clear-statement rule is applicable here because the statute being
interpreted involves
access to the writ of habeas corpus—a
significant constitutional value that we would not assume Congress
would discard without careful consideration. See Manning 121–122;
see also
Holland, 560 U. S., at 646–649. And, so
triggered, our clear-statement canon of construction is not
rendered inapplicable just because the particular type of claim
that a prisoner seeks to advance in the context of a habeas or
postconviction proceeding (if he is afforded one) might not date
back to the founding era. This must be why the majority cites no
precedent that splices the clear-statement rule in this
fashion.
Looking back to the time of the founding to
determine whether the clear-statement rule applies to our
interpretation of a statute passed in 1996 also makes no sense. The
clear-statement question relates to what Congress intended with
respect to the meaning of the statute
at the time it was
enacted. When Congress introduced §2255(h), it codified or
changed the law that existed at that time (
i.e., in 1996).
See,
e.g.,
Slack v.
McDaniel,
529 U.S.
473, 483 (2000) (noting that AEDPA’s
certificate-of-appealability provisions codified the prevailing
judicial standard). Thus, when this Court has previously applied
the clear-statement rule and analyzed the meaning of particular
AEDPA provisions, the feelings of the Framers were of no moment.
Instead, we properly examined the law leading up to AEDPA’s
enactment, not founding-era sources. See,
e.g.,
Panetti, 551 U. S., at 944;
Magwood v.
Patterson,
561 U.S.
320, 337 (2010) (plurality opinion).
Even if the majority was right with respect to
its assumption that founding-era practices bear on whether the
clear-statement rule applies here, historical practice plainly
undermines its assertion that legal innocence claims are of recent
vintage. Supreme Court Justices riding circuit in the early 19th
century repeatedly considered the merits of habeas petitions filed
by individuals who argued they were being wrongfully incarcerated
because the laws that had been invoked to justify their
confinement, properly construed, did not reach their
conduct.[
19] Moreover, and
importantly, since the mid-19th century, the statutory scheme for
postconviction review has permitted petitions based not only on a
“violation of the constitution” but also on a “violation of the
. . . law of the United States.” Judiciary Act of Feb. 5,
1867, ch. 28, §1, 14 Stat. 385; see also §2255; W. Church, Writ of
Habeas Corpus §169, p. 249 (2d ed. 1893) (“The issue raised on the
hearing of a habeas corpus may be one of law simply”).[
20]
To the extent the majority’s assessment of the
purportedly nascent nature of statutory innocence claims rests on
its view that, at the time of the founding, habeas relief was
rarely available when a petition was brought by a
convicted
individual (as opposed to a pretrial
detainee),
ante,
at 15–19, there are two additional problems. For one thing, even
assuming that a detainee-versus-convict scope-of-habeas distinction
existed at the dawn of our Nation, Congress has now squarely
rejected it.[
21] However
grounded in history and tradition the Court’s own view of the scope
of habeas might be, it is obviously not shared by the Legislature
that enacted the statute we are now interpreting.
Second, here again, the majority evaluates the
historical pedigree of legal innocence claims based on faulty
history. It maintains that, historically, a court could review a
habeas petition filed by a convicted individual only for
“jurisdictional” errors (which the majority defines narrowly).
Ante, at 15–18, 24–25; cf.
Edwards v.
Vannoy,
593 U. S. ___, ___–___ (2021) (Gorsuch, J., concurring) (slip
op., at 2–8). But those who have researched this contention have
called it “narrative and myth but not history.” L. Kovarsky, Habeas
Myths, Past and Present, 101 Texas L. Rev. Online 57, 79 (2022)
(Kovarsky); see also J. Siegel, Habeas, History, and Hermeneutics,
64 Ariz. L. Rev. 505, 524–532 (2022) (Siegel);
Brown v.
Davenport, 596 U. S. ___, ___–___ (2022) (Kagan, J.,
dissenting) (slip op., at 2–8).[
22]
At the very least, this take on early habeas
practice appears contradicted by
United States v.
Bainbridge, 24 F. Cas. 946 (No. 14,497) (CC Mass. 1816)
(Story, J.). There, Justice Story considered a statutory innocence
claim on the merits even though the individual had already pleaded
guilty.
Id., at 949, 951–952. And the
postconviction/preconviction distinction also runs headlong into
other precedents that have looked back on history and do not
subscribe to such a narrow view.
St. Cyr, 533 U. S., at
302 (“[T]he issuance of the writ was not limited to challenges to
the jurisdiction of the custodian”);
Fay v.
Noia,
372 U.S.
391, 404 (1963) (“Nor is it true that at common law habeas
corpus was available only to inquire into the jurisdiction, in a
narrow sense, of the committing court” (citing
Bushell’s
Case, Vaughn. 135, 124 Eng. Rep. 1006 (C. P. 1670))).
Thus, assuming,
arguendo, that the
historical grounding of the particular type of claim Jones sought
to bring even matters, the majority is mistaken when it contends
that a statutory innocence claim (including one brought in a
successive petition) is not sufficiently historical to warrant
application of our clear-statement rule.
* * *
If the majority had applied the
clear-statement rule, as it should have, to determine whether
§2255(h) precludes successive postconviction petitions that assert
statutory innocence claims, today’s interpretive task would have
merely involved answering one simple question: Is there an
unambiguous sign in the text of §2255 that Congress meant for
§2255(h) to strip an incarcerated individual of any opportunity to
raise a new claim of legal innocence in a motion brought in federal
court? No such sign exists.[
23] Therefore, we could have (and should have) easily
concluded that there is no statutory impediment to Jones’s §2255
motion being entertained by a court.
III
Finally, I believe that the canon of
constitutional avoidance also does important work to guide—and
constrain—the Court’s interpretation of §2255 in this case. See
Zadvydas v.
Davis,
533 U.S.
678, 689 (2001); cf.
Pressley, 430 U. S., at
381–382 (relying on the saving clause to conclude that the District
of Columbia’s postconviction statute, which mirrored §2255, was
constitutional). The majority’s bottom line, reading “the
interplay” between §2255(h) and §2255(e),
ante, at 1, is
that a person in prison for noncriminal conduct cannot ask a
federal court to review the legality of his detention if he has
previously filed a §2255 petition. This position is stunning in a
country where liberty is a constitutional guarantee and the courts
are supposed to be dispensing justice. It also raises hackles under
at least two provisions of our founding charter.
First, the Eighth Amendment. There is a
nonfrivolous argument that the Constitution’s protection against
“cruel and unusual punishment” prohibits the incarceration of
innocent individuals. See
In re Davis, 557 U.S. 952, 953
(2009) (Stevens, J., concurring) (citing
Triestman v.
United States,
124 F.3d 361, 377–380 (CA2 1997)); see also
Herrera v.
Collins,
506 U.S.
390, 432, n. 2 (1993) (Blackmun, J., dissenting) (“It
. . . may violate the Eighth Amendment to imprison
someone who is actually innocent”);
Robinson v.
California,
370 U.S.
660, 667 (1962). This is not to say that the Eighth Amendment
creates a “freestanding entitlement to a second or successive round
of postconviction review.”
Ante, at 20. But here Jones seeks
a
single meaningful opportunity to have a federal court
consider his claim of legal innocence.
The majority’s interpretation also implicates
the Suspension Clause. Art. I, §9, cl. 2. The majority admits that,
at a minimum, the Suspension Clause protects the right of habeas
corpus as it existed at the time of the founding.[
24] See
ante, at 15. The majority
also seems to acknowledge that, in the late 18th century, an
individual—even one who had been convicted of a crime—could invoke
habeas to raise a “jurisdictional” error.
Ante, at 15,
24–25
. Historically, the term “ ‘jurisdictional’ ”
when used by habeas courts “meant something much broader then than
it means now.” Kovarsky 75; see also Siegel 524. And, importantly,
a court lacked “jurisdiction”—and thus the writ could issue—when a
person was incarcerated for noncriminal behavior.[
25]
Thus, it appears that, by its own lights, the
majority today renders an interpretation of §2255 that has
potentially significant constitutional implications.
IV
I conclude with an observation. Today’s ruling
follows a recent series of troubling AEDPA
interpretations.[
26] All of
these opinions have now collectively managed to transform a statute
that Congress designed to provide for a rational and orderly
process of federal postconviction judicial review into an aimless
and chaotic exercise in futility. The route to obtaining collateral
relief is presently replete with imagined artificial barriers,
arbitrary dead ends, and traps for the unwary. And today’s turn
makes the journey palpably absurd: It begins with the Supreme
Court’s (rare) announcement that a certain claim for release exists
and is retroactively available to incarcerated individuals on
collateral review, and ends with the realization that only an
arbitrarily determined sliver of eligible prisoners (those who have
not had the temerity to file a prior motion) are actually in a
position to even ask a court to consider whether any such relief
might be provided.
It is quite clear that the Court’s rulings in
this area of the law reflect a general ethos that convicted
prisoners should not be permitted to file §2255 motions or obtain
postconviction relief at all. But what matters is what
Congress wants with respect to the operation of the
statutory provisions it enacts. And, as I have shown, Congress’s
aim in crafting §2255 was to permit convicted prisoners to file
postconviction motions asserting claims for collateral relief in a
manner that also curbs abusive filings. Congress did not speak—one
way or the other—as to what should happen if a prisoner who has
previously filed a §2255 motion gets a new claim of legal innocence
due to an intervening change in the law.
Given Congress’s silence on this matter, in my
view, there is simply no justification for drawing a negative
inference that Congress meant for §2255 to operate in a manner that
is patently inconsistent with the reasons it passed that statute,
or the background principles that animated the law more broadly at
the time of the statute’s enactment, or even (possibly) core
constitutional principles. Instead, §2255(e) should be
read—consistent with Congress’s general intent to ensure
equivalence between the claims available in habeas and those that
its new postconviction mechanism allowed—to permit prisoners who
have a new and retroactive statutory innocence claim to file a
habeas petition in lieu of a §2255 motion. Alternatively, we should
honor Congress’s clear interest in preserving a prisoner’s ability
to have one meaningful opportunity to have all of his claims
presented to a court, by allowing Jones to file a petition
asserting his new and retroactive claim of statutory innocence,
notwithstanding what might otherwise be perceived as an ironclad
bar in §2255(h).
In other words, as I see it, the negative
inference that the majority draws today rests on nothing—and
certainly nothing that actually derives from Congress’s intent.
Nothing in the text of §2255, background principles concerning
habeas relief, or AEDPA’s enactment history compels (or even
supports) the conclusion that Congress intended to completely
foreclose claims like Jones’s. And it is especially perverse to
read the statute to lead to that result when doing so gives rise to
legally dissonant, arbitrary, and untenable outcomes. So, the
majority’s “straightforward” determination that this statute
does preclude a prisoner in Jones’s position from filing a
successive petition to assert a legal innocence claim (which it
reaches by refusing to follow the procedural norm that would have
correctly framed the issue as a matter of congressional intent
relative to clear-statement principles) appears to stem from the
Court’s own views concerning finality, not the will of
Congress.
Ultimately, of course, this all begs the
question of how (and whether) Congress will respond to the Court’s
systematic neutering of the balanced postconviction processes that
the Legislature has established. It seems to me that today’s
opinion—which unjustifiably closes off all avenues for certain
defendants to secure meaningful consideration of their innocence
claims—creates an opening for Congress to step in and fix this
problem.