SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
_________________
No. 21–1449
_________________
GLACIER NORTHWEST, INC., dba CALPORTLAND,
PETITIONER
v. INTERNATIONAL BROTHERHOOD OF TEAMSTERS LOCAL
UNION NO. 174
on writ of certiorari to the supreme court of
washington
[June 1, 2023]
Justice Jackson, dissenting.
The right to strike is fundamental to American
labor law. Congress enshrined that right in the National Labor
Relations Act (NLRA) and simultaneously established the National
Labor Relations Board to adjudicate disputes that arise between
workers and management. That decision reflected Congress’s judgment
that an agency with specialized expertise should develop and
enforce national labor law in a uniform manner, through
case-by-case adjudication. For its part, this Court has
scrupulously guarded the Board’s authority for more than half a
century. See
San Diego Building Trades Council v.
Garmon,
359 U.S.
236 (1959). Under
Garmon, and as relevant here, a court
presented with a tort suit based on strike conduct generally must
pause proceedings and permit the Board to determine in the first
instance whether the union’s conduct is lawful if the conduct at
issue is even “arguably” protected by the NLRA.
Id., at
245.
Today, the Court falters. As the majority
acknowledges, the Board’s General Counsel has filed a complaint
with the Board after a thorough factual investigation, and that
complaint alleges that the NLRA protects the strike conduct at the
center of this state-court tort suit. The logical implication of a
General Counsel complaint under
Garmon is that the union’s
conduct is at least
arguably protected by the NLRA.
Consequently, where (as here) there is a General Counsel complaint
pending before the Board, courts—including this Court—should
suspend their examination.
Garmon makes clear that we have
no business delving into this particular labor dispute at this
time.
But instead of modestly standing down, the
majority eagerly inserts itself into this conflict, proceeding to
opine on the propriety of the union’s strike activity based on the
facts alleged in the employer’s state-court complaint. As part of
this mistaken expedition, the majority tries its own hand at
applying the Board’s decisions to a relatively novel scenario that
poses difficult line-drawing questions—fact-sensitive issues that
Congress plainly intended for the Board to address after an
investigation. And in the course of inappropriately weighing in on
the merits of those questions at this stage, the majority also
misapplies the Board’s cases in a manner that threatens to both
impede the Board’s uniform development of labor law and erode the
right to strike.
In my view, today’s misguided foray underscores
the wisdom of Congress’s decision to create an agency that is
uniquely positioned to evaluate the facts and apply the law in
cases such as this one. This case is Exhibit A as to why the
Board—and not the courts—should ordinarily take the first crack at
resolving contentious, fact-bound labor disputes of this nature.
Because the majority’s ruling suggests otherwise, I respectfully
dissent.
I
The majority’s brief opinion quotes
Garmon’s “arguably protected” test and endeavors to apply
it.
Ante, at 3–4, 6–11. But the opinion devotes relatively
little space to the origins and purpose of that longstanding
precedent. That omission is telling. A proper understanding of
Garmon’s foundation sheds considerable light on the
majority’s sequential missteps in this case.
A
Congress’s passage of the NLRA “marked a
fundamental change in the Nation’s labor policies.”
Sears,
Roebuck & Co. v.
Carpenters,
436
U.S. 180, 190 (1978). Prior to that point, union activity had
been viewed as “a species of ‘conspiracy,’ ” prompting
substantial conflict between labor and management.
Ibid.
With the enactment of the NLRA in 1935, “Congress expressly
recognized that collective organization of segments of the labor
force into bargaining units capable of exercising economic power
comparable to that possessed by employers may produce benefits for
the entire economy in the form of higher wages, job security, and
improved working conditions.”
Ibid.
The heart of the NLRA is §7, which safeguards
workers’ rights “to self-organization, to form, join, or assist
labor organizations, to bargain collectively through
representatives of their own choosing, and to engage in other
concerted activities for the purpose of collective bargaining or
other mutual aid or protection.” 29 U. S. C. §157. Among
the “ ‘concerted activities’ ” that the Act
unquestionably protects is “the vital, economic instrumen[t] of the
strike.”
Garmon, 359 U. S., at 241; see §163.
Section 8 of the NLRA provides a list of “unfair
labor practice[s]” that employers and unions are prohibited from
engaging in. §158. For example, it is an unfair labor practice for
an employer to “interfere with, restrain, or coerce employees in
the exercise of ” their §7 rights, including the right to
strike. §158(a)(1). And it is an unfair labor practice for a union
to “refuse to bargain collectively with an employer.” §158(b)(3).
Taken together, §7 and §8 establish certain conduct that Congress
has deemed protected (§7) and prohibited (§8).
B
Congress could have stopped there. But
“Congress did not merely lay down a substantive rule of law to be
enforced by any tribunal competent to apply law generally to the
parties.”
Garner v.
Teamsters,
346 U.S.
485, 490 (1953). Rather, Congress “went on to confide primary
interpretation and application of its rules to a specific and
specially constituted tribunal”
Ibid.; see generally
§§153–156.
By statutory mandate, the Board is composed of
five members who are appointed by the President with the advice and
consent of the Senate. §153(a). Congress also provided for an
independent General Counsel, who is likewise presidentially
appointed and Senate confirmed. §153(d); see
NLRB v.
Food
& Commercial Workers,
484 U.S.
112, 117–118 (1987). The General Counsel conducts
investigations into unfair labor practices and brings complaints
before the Board through a “particular procedure” that Congress has
prescribed “for investigation, complaint and notice, and hearing
and decision, including judicial relief pending a final
administrative order” from the Board.
Garner, 346
U. S., at 490; see §§153, 160.
The Board has fleshed out this process via
rulemaking authority that Congress has delegated. §156. If a person
believes that an employer or union has committed an unfair labor
practice, the person may file a charge with a regional director,
who acts on behalf of the General Counsel. 29 CFR §101.2 (2022).
The regional director investigates the charge. §101.4. If “the
charge appears to have merit and efforts to dispose of it by
informal adjustment are unsuccessful,” the regional director issues
a complaint on behalf of the General Counsel. §101.8. When a
General Counsel’s complaint issues, an administrative law judge
(ALJ) holds a hearing and issues a decision, which the Board
reviews if any party files an exception. §§101.8–101.12. If the
Board finds that a party has engaged in an unfair labor practice,
it must order the party to “cease and desist” and to take “such
affirmative action . . . as will effectuate the policies”
of the NLRA. 29 U. S. C. §160(c).
C
The history and structure of the NLRA make
clear that Congress “entrusted administration of the labor policy
for the Nation to a centralized administrative agency”—the
Board—“armed with its own procedures, and equipped with its
specialized knowledge and cumulative experience.”
Garmon,
359 U. S., at 242. Congress thought the Board’s primary role
was “necessary to obtain uniform application of [the NLRA’s]
substantive rules and to avoid th[e] diversities and conflicts
likely to result from a variety of local procedures and attitudes
toward labor controversies.”
Garner, 346 U. S., at 490.
That judgment makes perfect sense. The NLRA’s substantive
principles are intrinsically broad and potentially conflicting,
leaving much for future articulation through case-by-case
adjudication. Drawing the line between activities that constitute a
protected strike, on the one hand, and unprotected actions for
which employers may validly discipline employees, on the other, is
a legally and factually complex task. Moreover, that task
implicates important economic policy considerations about the
relative bargaining power of labor and management that affect not
only the parties to a particular labor dispute but also our broader
national economy.
To effect Congress’s intent, this Court has
consistently recognized that “courts are not primary tribunals to
adjudicate [these] issues.”
Garmon, 359 U. S., at 244.
Rather, “it is to the Board that Congress entrusted the task of
applying the Act’s general . . . language in the light of
the infinite combinations of events which might be charged as
violative of its terms.”
Beth Israel Hospital v.
NLRB,
437 U.S.
483, 500–501 (1978) (internal quotation marks omitted). And the
Board, “if it is to accomplish the task which Congress set for it,
necessarily must have authority . . . to fill the
interstices of the broad statutory provisions.”
Id., at 501.
So, while the Board’s decision “is not the
last word” on
these complex matters—given that its decisions are subject to
review in federal court—“it must assuredly be the
first.”
Marine Engineers v.
Interlake S. S. Co.,
370 U.S.
173, 185 (1962) (emphasis added).
For that reason, this Court has long held that
courts presented with claims arising out of a labor dispute must
sometimes pause their proceedings to permit the Board to consider
the dispute in the first instance. As relevant here, we have held
that if §7—including its protection of the right to
strike—“arguably” protects the conduct at issue in a state-court
suit, then the court must await the Board’s word as to whether the
conduct is, in fact, protected.
Garmon, 359 U. S., at
245.
To determine whether conduct is “arguably
protected,” a state court examines the showing of the party
invoking
Garmon and seeking to pause the litigation. The
court asks whether that party has (1) “advance[d] an interpretation
of the [NLRA] that is not plainly contrary to its language and that
has not been ‘authoritatively rejected’ by the courts or the
Board,” and (2) “put forth enough evidence to enable the court to
find that the Board reasonably could uphold a claim based on such
an interpretation.”
Longshoremen v.
Davis,
476 U.S.
380, 395 (1986). If so, the state court must pause proceedings
to allow the Board to consider the complex legal and factual
contours of the question whether the union’s conduct is
actually protected by the NLRA.
The majority refers to this as “
Garmon
preemption,” in keeping with historical practice.
Ante, at
3. But the term “preemption” is something of a misnomer. Rather
than entirely and automatically precluding the state-court suit,
the rule instead requires state courts to take a “jurisdictional
hiatus” while the Board considers the dispute in the first
instance.
Sears, Roebuck & Co., 436 U. S., at 203.
If the Board determines (subject to judicial review) that §7
protects the union’s conduct, normal conflict preemption kicks in:
A state court may not hold a union liable on state-law claims for
conduct that is protected by the NLRA. See
Brown v.
Hotel
Employees,
468 U.S.
491, 503 (1984). But “if the Board decides that the conduct is
not protected,” the state court may proceed to “entertain the
litigation.”
Davis, 476 U. S., at 397.[
1]
With these general principles in mind, I now
turn to the particulars of this case.
II
This suit arises out of a union-organized
strike. Petitioner Glacier Northwest is a concrete-delivery
company, and respondent International Brotherhood of Teamsters
Local Union No. 174 (Union) represents Glacier’s concrete-delivery
truckdrivers. After the drivers went on strike, Glacier sent
disciplinary letters to some of the drivers. The Union filed an
unfair labor practice charge with the Board, alleging that the
disciplinary letters were unlawful retaliation against the drivers
for engaging in strike conduct that is protected by the NLRA.
Glacier then filed a complaint in Washington
state court, alleging that the Union engaged in tortious conduct
when it instructed the drivers to strike at a time when there was
wet concrete in some of the company’s delivery trucks. In response,
the Union filed another Board charge, maintaining that Glacier’s
lawsuit constituted additional unlawful retaliation.
With respect to Glacier’s tort suit, the
Washington courts engaged in the standard
Garmon inquiry,
ultimately resulting in a determination by the Washington Supreme
Court that the lawsuit could not proceed because the Union’s strike
conduct was arguably protected by the NLRA. Glacier sought, and we
granted, certiorari to review that decision. Notably, however,
after the Washington Supreme Court issued its decision, the
regional director acting on behalf of the Board’s General Counsel
filed an administrative complaint against Glacier. In my view, for
the reasons explained below, that subsequent event has greatly
simplified the
Garmon question.
A
The filing of the General Counsel’s
administrative complaint necessarily suffices to establish that the
Union’s strike conduct is “arguably protected” within the meaning
of
Garmon. Thus, the General Counsel’s complaint should have
marked the end of any court involvement in this matter at this
time.
The General Counsel’s complaint alleges that
Glacier interfered with strike conduct protected by §7 when it
disciplined its drivers for walking off the job and when it filed
this tort suit. That complaint represents the General Counsel’s
conclusion—reached after an extensive independent investigation
involving collecting testimony and other evidence, and after
careful consideration of the competing legal principles and policy
concerns—that the Union’s claim that its strike conduct was
protected “appears to have merit.” 29 CFR §§101.4, 101.8. One
“cannot credibly contend that a claim that makes it through this
gauntlet does not concern conduct ‘arguably’ protected by the
NLRA.”
Davis Supermarkets, Inc. v.
NLRB,
2 F.3d 1162, 1179 (CADC 1993); accord,
Makro, Inc., 305
N. L. R. B. 663, 670 (1991).
A court presented with a General Counsel
complaint should therefore find
Garmon inherently satisfied.
This is so because the entire point of
Garmon’s
arguably-protected test is to permit the court to assess the facts
and relevant labor law in service of a
gatekeeping function.
The answer to the
Garmon question simply (and solely)
establishes whether the court can continue to entertain a lawsuit
that relates to the challenged strike conduct, or whether the legal
action must be suspended to allow the Board to make an initial
assessment of the matter. The court evaluates the existing evidence
and the law for a specific reason: to determine whether the lawsuit
attacks arguably-protected conduct such that entertaining the legal
action will interfere with the Board’s prerogative to develop the
facts and adjudicate the merits of the dispute as part of the
Board’s broader authority to develop national labor law.
If the General Counsel investigates the matter
and files a complaint with the Board alleging that the union’s
conduct is protected, it becomes indisputable that the pending
legal action might interfere with the Board’s authority. Thus, a
General Counsel complaint relieves the court of the burden of
having to make the arguably-protected assessment based on its
own understanding of the evidence and labor law—it is
“arguable” that the union’s conduct is protected because the
General Counsel is arguing just that. To be sure, we have said that
the arguably-protected test is “not without substance” and is “not
satisfied by a conclusory assertion of pre-emption.”
Davis,
476 U. S., at 394. But an allegation from the Board’s General
Counsel after a thorough investigation is a far cry from a
“conclusory assertion” of protection.[
2]
What is more, by virtue of the General Counsel’s
complaint, the Board is, at this very moment, exercising its
authority to adjudicate the merits of this dispute. On January 12,
2023, an ALJ denied Glacier’s motion to postpone the ALJ hearing on
the General Counsel’s complaint pending this Court’s decision in
this case. As the ALJ explained, the General Counsel’s pleading
“constituted a determination that the strikers’ conduct was at
least arguably protected by [the NLRA] and that this agency became
the exclusive forum for adjudicating whether the strikers’ conduct
was protected.”[
3] A nine-day
hearing ensued, and the parties completed posthearing briefing last
week. We have said that “the need for protecting the exclusivity of
[the Board’s] jurisdiction is obviously greatest when the precise
issue brought before a court is in the process of litigation
through procedures originating in the Board.”
Marine
Engineers, 370 U. S., at 185. That is exactly the
situation here.
For these reasons, I believe that the filing of
the General Counsel’s complaint is more than sufficient to trigger
Garmon’s pause, and that it must be so if consistency with
Congress’s intent to give the Board primary authority to interpret
and enforce the NLRA is to be maintained. In circumstances like
these, “the States as well as the federal courts must defer to the
exclusive competence of the National Labor Relations Board.”
Garmon, 359 U. S., at 245.
And this Court is no exception. Because the
General Counsel has now filed a complaint with the Board concerning
the labor dispute at issue in this case, all courts—including this
one—should stand down.
B
The majority does not take issue with my
conclusion that the General Counsel’s complaint triggers a
Garmon hiatus; instead, it takes no position on the matter,
leaving the question open for the Washington courts to decide on
remand.
Ante, at 11, n. 3.
The majority’s reason for declining to address
this argument is noteworthy. It explains that, because the General
Counsel’s complaint was filed after the Washington Supreme Court
had affirmed the dismissal of Glacier’s complaint on
Garmon
grounds, “[t]he lower courts have not addressed the significance,
if any, of the Board’s complaint with respect to
Garmon
preemption.”
Ante, at 11, n. 3
. And since we are
“ ‘a court of review, not of first view,’ ”
ibid.
(quoting
Cutter v.
Wilkinson,
544
U.S. 709, 718, n. 7 (2005)), the majority declines to “do
so in the first instance.”
Ante, at 11,
n. 3
.
This rationale is inconsistent with the broader
approach that the majority takes in this case. It would be one
thing if the Court simply noted the filing of the General Counsel’s
complaint and authorized the lower courts to evaluate the impact of
that complaint on the
Garmon question in the first instance.
But it goes further: The majority also inserts itself into the
midst of this labor dispute
now (despite the General
Counsel’s complaint), proceeding to apply the Board’s cases to
novel and difficult line-drawing questions and ultimately
concluding that the strike conduct alleged in Glacier’s complaint
is not even arguably protected.
The majority cannot have it both ways. A concern
about the Court’s institutional role justifies, at most, vacating
the judgment below and remanding for the lower court to consider
the import of the General Counsel’s complaint. The same observation
that compels the majority to allow for such lower-court
consideration—that we are “ ‘a court of review, not of first
view,’ ”
ante, at 11, n. 3—should have likewise led it
to decline to intrude into this labor dispute while it is pending
before the Board.
III
For the reasons discussed above, I would have
vacated the Washington Supreme Court’s judgment and remanded with
directions to stay proceedings or dismiss Glacier’s complaint
without prejudice, on the straightforward ground that the General
Counsel’s complaint triggers the jurisdictional hiatus that
Garmon requires.[
4]
The majority sidesteps my preferred resolution
of this matter and instead proceeds to engage in
Garmon’s
“arguably protected” test by applying a series of fact-intensive
Board decisions to the bare allegations in Glacier’s state-court
complaint. To do this, the majority invokes the Board’s “reasonable
precautions” principle.
Ante, at 6–8. That principle
(discussed in Part IV,
infra) is derived from the Board’s
determination that striking workers must take reasonable
precautions to protect persons, the employer’s premises, and its
equipment from foreseeable, aggravated, and imminent harm due to
the sudden cessation of work. The majority has taken it upon itself
to apply the Board’s reasonable-precautions principle to the
factual allegations about the Union’s conduct that Glacier alleges
in this lawsuit, and it thereby concludes that the drivers’ conduct
is not even arguably protected by the NLRA.
This course of action (which is already
confounding given that the Board itself is currently considering
the challenged strike conduct with the benefit of developed facts
and labor law expertise) reflects an analytical approach to the
issues presented that cannot be squared with
Garmon.
A
Whether the NLRA protects particular strike
conduct often turns on subtle factual disputes and nuanced legal
distinctions. Here, for example, whether the Union’s strike conduct
is protected or unprotected might well depend on whether the
drivers left the concrete-delivery trucks’ revolving drums turning
when they walked off the job. So, too, might it depend on fine
legal gradations concerning how imminent or how aggravated the risk
of harm must be to trigger the duty to take reasonable precautions.
These kinds of determinations cry out for evidentiary hearings, and
in this highly fact-sensitive area of the law, which generally
develops on a case-by-case basis, the scope of NLRA protection in a
given set of circumstances is typically determined once the facts
have been established—through discovery, debate, and sometimes the
tedious work of making contentious credibility determinations.
Fortunately, in this regard, Congress has gifted
our legal system with an expert agency that thoroughly investigates
what happened—
i.e., the facts of strike-related labor
disputes—and then engages in the initial task of answering the
sometimes complex, always fact-bound question whether the NLRA
protects the strike conduct at issue. Meanwhile, a court that is
undertaking
Garmon’s arguably-protected analysis is engaged
in a fundamentally different inquiry. As explained in Part II–A,
supra, while the court is most certainly considering strike
conduct arising from a labor dispute, it is not meant to address
the merits of these complex questions. Under the NLRA and
Garmon, courts must take as a given that the Board is the
entity to which Congress has assigned responsibility for initially
determining what happened and taking the first crack at deciding
whether the NLRA protects the union’s conduct. And far from
usurping that Board function,
Garmon tasks the court with
merely conducting a threshold, gatekeeping assessment of whether
the lawsuit before it must be paused, or whether the suit can
proceed because it is not even
arguable that the conduct at
issue in the lawsuit is protected by the NLRA.
To avoid veering into the Board’s assigned
territory, it is crucial that the courts have a clear understanding
of the nature of the
Garmon assessment and what it requires.
The court asks, first of all, whether the party invoking
Garmon has “advance[d] an interpretation of the [NLRA] that
is not plainly contrary to its language and that has not been
‘authoritatively rejected’ by the courts or the Board.”
Davis, 476 U. S., at 395. This inquiry involves merely
comparing the union’s claim about the scope of its protection to
the broad protective language of the statute and deciding whether
the union’s interpretation has already been definitively rejected
either by courts or by the Board.
The second task is to determine whether the
party invoking
Garmon has “put forth enough evidence to
enable the court to find that the Board reasonably could uphold a
claim based on such an interpretation.”
Davis, 476
U. S., at 395
. Again, this is not an invitation to
supplant the Board’s factfinding role or to usurp the authority
that Congress has given the Board to make the initial underlying
protected-or-unprotected determination. Rather, the point of this
part of the
Garmon assessment is simply to determine whether
it is arguable that the Board—in the exercise of its
discretion to develop labor law and aided by its investigation into
the facts—could conclude that the strike conduct at issue is
protected by the NLRA. See 359 U. S., at 245.
Thus, consistent with a statutory scheme that
gives primacy to the agency’s expertise, a court’s task under
Garmon is unmistakably modest. It must merely assess
whether, in light of existing law and the evidence that has been
amassed related to this strike, it is
possible that the
union could prevail before the Board. Put another way, instead of
stepping into the Board’s shoes as primary factfinder, or even
prognosticating about what the Board is likely to decide concerning
the extent of NLRA coverage, a court that stands down upon a proper
Garmon analysis has simply determined (1) that existing law
does not plainly and authoritatively prohibit the strike conduct at
issue, and (2) that evidence exists concerning how the strike was
conducted that might ultimately favor the union, such that the
lawsuit should pause to allow the Board to gather the facts and
apply its expertise to determine whether the strike was lawful.
B
The majority seems to misunderstand all this
in the context of this case. It correctly concludes that the Union
has carried its burden of “advancing an interpretation of the
[NLRA] that is not plainly contrary to its language and that has
not been authoritatively rejected by the courts or the Board.”
Ante, at 6 (internal quotation marks omitted). But it finds
that the Union has failed to satisfy the second
Garmon step,
and it does so after undertaking its own assessment of the facts
alleged in Glacier’s complaint and endeavoring to apply the Board’s
fact-bound reasonable-precautions precedents. See,
e.g.,
ante, at 7 (determining, based on alleged facts, that “[t]he
drivers engaged in a sudden cessation of work that put Glacier’s
property in foreseeable and imminent danger” and that the risk of
harm to the concrete-delivery trucks was “both foreseeable and
serious”);
ibid. (concluding that “[t]he Union failed to
‘take reasonable precautions,’ ” after hypothesizing various
steps that, according to the majority, the Union should have taken
but did not).
Given what I have already said about
Garmon’s purpose and what it calls for, the majority’s error
in proceeding in this fashion is obvious. To my mind, if a court
that is evaluating what to do per
Garmon finds itself
weighing in on such fact-bound matters as whether the strike posed
a risk of harm that was aggravated enough or imminent enough to
remove NLRA protection, or starts contemplating whether the
precautions that the striking employees took to address any such
risk were reasonable enough to allow them to retain the right to
strike, it has unwittingly wandered into a domain that Congress
intentionally assigned to the Board to address in the first
instance.[
5]
It is clear to me that Congress plainly intended
for the Board’s factfinding function to be at the forefront of this
kind of legal evaluation. Thus, in my view, when a court undertakes
the
Garmon analysis in a context such as this one, it should
take care to limit itself to its own assigned responsibility: the
mere determination of whether, given the union’s evidence and legal
interpretation, the Board
could possibly conclude that the
union had taken reasonable precautions. If yes, the court should
suspend the pending legal action to let the Board decide the
question. To conclude no, given the fact-bound nature of the
reasonable-precautions analysis, a court in all but the most
exceptional circumstances will need to be able to point to a
reasonable-precautions case from the Board that is on all fours
with the facts of the case before it and that found the conduct
unprotected. In that circumstance, the court can proceed with the
suit, without breaking new legal ground on the scope of the right
to strike.
In all events, then, courts can properly decide
the
Garmon issue without making law in this area, precisely
as Congress intended. Indeed, I think we best respect congressional
intent regarding the Board’s authority to develop uniform labor law
by leaving the application of the Board’s reasonable-precautions
principle to the Board itself. The majority’s contrary approach
opens up the possibility that courts around the country will now
act on bare allegations to generate conflicting results about the
contours of the venerated right to strike, which, ironically, was
the primary concern that motivated Congress to create the Board in
the first place.
IV
For what it’s worth, even if the majority’s
approach to deciding the
Garmon question were the correct
one, the majority misapplies the reasonable-precautions principle
to the allegations here in a manner that threatens to impinge on
the right to strike and on the orderly development of labor
law.
A
1
A strike, by definition, is a “concerted
stoppage of work by employees,” or “any concerted slowdown or other
concerted interruption of operations by employees.” §142(2). When
employees stop working, production may halt, deliveries may be
delayed, and services may be canceled. At the risk of stating the
obvious, this means that the workers’ right to strike inherently
includes the right to impose economic harm on their employer.
Congress was well aware that organized labor’s
exercise of the right to strike risks harm to an employer’s
economic interests. See §151;
NLRB v.
Erie Resistor
Corp.,
373 U.S.
221, 234 (1963) (Congress’s protection of the right to strike
reflects its understanding that strikes are authorized “economic
weapon[s]”). Yet, Congress protected that right anyway. In fact,
the threat of economic harm posed by the right to strike is a
feature, not a bug, of the NLRA. The potential pain of a work
stoppage is a powerful tool, and one that unquestionably advances
Congress’s codified goal of achieving “equality of bargaining power
between employers and employees.” §151
. Unions leverage a
strike’s economic harm (or the threat of it) into bargaining power,
and then wield that power to demand improvement of employees’ wages
and working conditions—goals that, according to Congress, benefit
the economy writ large. See
Sears, Roebuck & Co., 436
U. S., at 190.
Still, the right to strike is, of course, not
unlimited. But when “Congress chose to qualify the use of the
strike, it did so by prescribing the limits and conditions of the
abridgment in exacting detail.”
Erie Resistor, 373
U. S., at 234. Section 8 enumerates several limitations. For
example, a union must notify an employer that it intends to
terminate or modify its contract—and thus that a strike is
possible—at least 60 days before striking. §158(d). A union cannot
strike for unlawful purposes, such as putting economic pressure on
parties other than the primary employer. §158(b)(4)(i)(B). And, in
certain healthcare settings, unions must provide at least 10 days’
notice of the precise date and time of a strike. §158(g).
Additionally, §163 of the NLRA (which Congress
added via the 1947 Taft-Hartley Amendments, 61Stat. 151) states
that “nothing in this subchapter, except as specifically provided
for herein, shall be construed so as either to interfere with or
impede or diminish in any way the right to strike, or to affect the
limitations or qualifications on that right.”
Thus, the text of the NLRA allows for only two
kinds of limitations on the right to strike: those enumerated in
the Act itself, and the “limitations or qualifications” on the
right that existed when the Taft-Hartley Amendments were enacted.
See
NLRB v.
Drivers,
362 U.S.
274, 281–282 (1960). The only relevant limitation here is the
one set out in
NLRB v.
Fansteel Metallurgical Corp.,
306 U.S.
240 (1939).[
6]
Our
Fansteel decision stands for the
principle that “employees ha[ve] the right to strike but they
ha[ve] no license to commit acts of violence or to seize their
employer’s plant.”
Id., at 253. The facts of that case
involved 95 striking employees who effected a “sit-down strike by
taking over and holding two of [their employer’s] key buildings.”
Id., at 248 (internal quotation marks omitted). The
employees subsequently engaged in “a pitched battle” in which they
“resisted the attempt by the sheriff to evict and arrest them.”
Id., at 249. We held that the NLRA did not condone this
conduct, which would “put a premium on resort to force” and would
“subvert the principles of law and order which lie at the
foundations of society.”
Id., at 253.
Congress’s incorporation of
Fansteel’s
limitation into the NLRA establishes that, while employees have the
right to withhold their labor peaceably, subsequent affirmative
acts of violence, or seizure of an employer’s premises, are not
protected labor practices.
2
As a general matter, the dispute in this case
is over whether employees can withhold their labor if doing so
risks damage to their employer’s property. As explained above, by
carefully restricting limitations on the right to strike in the
NLRA itself, Congress has indicated that the act of peacefully
walking off the job is protected strike conduct even if economic
harm incidentally results. What is
not protected is any
subsequent affirmative step to destroy or seize the employer’s
property. This is the statutory backdrop against which the Board
has developed the narrow requirement that striking employees must
take reasonable precautions before or when they strike in order to
forestall or address foreseeable, imminent, and aggravated injury
to persons, premises, and equipment that might otherwise be caused
by their sudden cessation of work.
The Board first applied this “reasonable
precautions” principle to rank-and-file employees in
Marshall
Car Wheel & Foundry Co., Inc., 107
N. L. R. B. 314, 315 (1953), enf. denied on other
grounds, 218 F.2d 409 (CA5 1955). There, employees at a foundry
walked off the job at a time when the foundry’s furnace was full of
hot molten iron, threatening severe damage to the employer’s plant
and equipment. 107 N. L. R. B., at 315. The Board
concluded that the employees’ strike conduct was not protected by
the NLRA, because the employees had a “duty to take reasonable
precautions to protect the employer’s physical plant from such
imminent damage as for[e]seeably would result from their sudden
cessation of work.”
Ibid.
The Board has also applied this principle in
other similar cases. It determined, for example, that strikers who
walked out of a certain kind of chemical plant—a plant that handled
“extremely hazardous” chemicals that were “a hazard not only to
employees but also to individuals living in the vicinity”—without
shutting down the equipment had engaged in unprotected conduct.
General Chemical Corp., 290 N. L. R. B. 76,
77, 83 (1988). Similarly, the Board held that the strike conduct of
security guards whose walkout exposed a federal building’s
occupants to “imminent” danger was not protected by the NLRA.
International Protective Servs., Inc., 339
N. L. R. B. 701, 703 (2003).
But the narrow duty that
Marshall Car
Wheel and its progeny impose does not—and cannot—displace the
general rule that labor strikes are protected even when the
workers’ withdrawal of their labor inflicts economic harm on the
employer. So the Board has also repeatedly held that employees have
no duty to prevent the loss of perishable goods caused by their
sudden cessation of work.
In a leading case, employees at a raw poultry
plant decided to walk out at 8 a.m. “because by that time all
employees would have reported to work and [the employer] would be
in full operation with its largest number of chickens on the line.”
Lumbee Farms Co-op., 285 N. L. R. B. 497, 503
(1987). The Board affirmed the ALJ’s reasoning that “[t]he fact
that the strike occurred during the workday when chickens were on
the line and vulnerable to loss does not mean employees
automatically lost protection under the Act,” because “[s]trikers
are not required under the Act to institute the strike at a
specific time of day.”
Id., at 506. Indeed, it is
“[n]orma[l]” for “planned employee strikes [to be] timed to ensure
the greatest impact on an employer.”
Ibid.
The Board has applied this same reasoning in
cases involving, for example, cheese and milk. See
Leprino
Cheese Co., 170 N. L. R. B. 601, 605 (1968);
Central Okla. Milk Producers Assn., 125
N. L. R. B. 419, 435 (1959). In those cases, the
Board also explained that the reasonable-precautions principle is
“
limited to situations involving a danger of ‘aggravated’
injury to persons or premises”—a danger “[o]bviously” not posed by
the loss of, for example, cheese.
Leprino Cheese, 170
N. L. R. B., at 607 (emphasis added). The Board has
consistently reiterated that “[l]oss is not uncommon when a strike
occurs.”
Central Okla. Milk Producers, 125
N. L. R. B., at 435.
In short, it is indisputable that workers have a
statutory right to strike despite the fact that exercising that
right risks economic harm to employers. Congress has, in effect,
drawn a line between those economic harms that are inherent in the
act of peacefully walking off the job (which do not render the
strike unprotected), and those that result from workers taking
subsequent affirmative steps to seize the employer’s premises or
engage in acts of violence (strike conduct that is not protected by
the NLRA). The Board has further recognized a narrow duty that
arises if a sudden cessation of work risks foreseeable, imminent,
and aggravated harm to persons, premises, or equipment. Beyond this
narrow reasonable-precautions requirement, however, employees have
no obligation to protect their employer’s economic interests when
they exercise the right to withhold their labor.
B
Glacier does not allege that the cement
truckdrivers committed acts of violence or seized its plant or
property as part of the strike the Union orchestrated. Instead, the
thrust of its complaint is that the Union was aware of “the
perishable nature of batched concrete,” App. 9, and that the
drivers’ walkout was intentionally timed so as to risk harm to that
product. See
id., at 10 (alleging “sabotage, ruination and
destruction of Glacier’s batched concrete”).
I agree with the majority that the risk of
losing the batched concrete alone would not be sufficient to divest
the striking drivers of statutory protection. As Glacier
acknowledges, wet concrete is a perishable good.
Ibid. And
the Board has repeatedly reaffirmed that the loss of such
perishable goods due to a mere work stoppage does not render a
strike unprotected.
There is also no duty to take reasonable
precautions to prevent this kind of economic loss, which—standing
alone—posed no risk to persons, premises, or equipment, let alone a
risk of aggravated harm. While it seems that the drivers were in a
position to save the batched concrete that was inside their trucks
when the strike was called (by, for instance, continuing to deliver
it to the intended customers), that is beside the point. Employees
have a protected right to withhold their labor. And it would
undercut that right if they could be held liable for the incidental
loss of the perishable goods (which includes concrete no less than
raw poultry, cheese, or milk) that they tend to as part of their
job.[
7]
Where I disagree with the majority is the
conclusion it draws from the fact that the batched concrete also
risked harm to the drivers’ trucks, at least as alleged in
Glacier’s complaint. The majority repeatedly ties the loss of the
concrete—in particular, the risk that it would harden in the
trucks—to the alleged risk of harm to the delivery trucks
themselves.[
8] But, to me, the
alleged risk of harm to Glacier’s trucks involves a relatively
complex factual analysis under the Board’s reasonable-precautions
principle.
Glacier alleges that, “[o]nce at rest, concrete
begins hardening immediately, and depending on the mix can begin to
set within 20 to 30 minutes.”
Id., at 8. Its complaint also
asserts that “[i]f batched concrete remains in the revolving drum
of the ready-mix truck beyond its useful life span, the batched
concrete is certain or substantially certain to harden in the
revolving drum and cause significant damage to the concrete
ready-mix truck.”
Id., at 9. But Glacier’s own submissions
in Washington state court suggest that the Union instructed the
drivers to return their trucks to Glacier’s yard after the strike
began and to keep the ready-mix trucks running. See
id., at
34, 77. Glacier’s submissions also suggest that those precautions
actually provided the company’s managers and nonstriking employees
with sufficient time to decide how to address the situation to
prevent any harm to the trucks. See
id., at 13, 72, 77,
82–83.
Was any risk of harm to the trucks here
“imminent,” given the allegation that the Union instructed the
drivers to keep the trucks running? Is the risk of concrete
hardening in a delivery truck “aggravated,” in the way
Marshall
Car Wheel contemplates? Was returning the trucks to the
employer’s premises and leaving them running a sufficient
“reasonable” precaution, because it gave the employer sufficient
time to address any risk of harm? Making the call about whether the
NLRA protects the Union’s conduct raises these questions and
others. Importantly, these kinds of questions not only involve
making nuanced factual distinctions but also demonstrate that
applying the Board’s reasonable-precautions precedents is, at
bottom, a line-drawing exercise. Under circumstances like these, a
court can confidently declare that a union’s conduct is not even
arguably protected for
Garmon purposes only where the
allegations make out a clear
Fansteel claim or where the
alleged facts implicate a reasonable-precautions case that is
directly on point. Because neither is true here, the Court should
have concluded that the Union’s conduct was at least arguably
protected.
Even if the Court’s task under
Garmon
were to apply the Board’s reasonable-precautions principle to the
allegations of Glacier’s complaint and decide whether or not the
Union engaged in unprotected conduct (to reiterate: that is not the
assignment, see Part III–A,
supra), I cannot agree with the
majority’s conclusion that the risk to the trucks rendered the
drivers’ strike unprotected by the NLRA. Instead, I would have
credited Glacier’s own account, and thus would have concluded that
the Union took reasonable precautions when it instructed the
drivers to return the trucks and leave them running to avoid the
concrete hardening imminently in the drums. The majority reaches
the opposite conclusion by giving far too little weight to the
allegation that the drivers returned the trucks, and also by
substantially discounting the allegations that support the Union’s
claim that the drivers left their trucks and revolving drums
running. See
ante, at 11.
Fortunately, the pending Board determination of
what actually happened in connection with this particular strike
will establish—as a matter of fact and not mere allegation—what
precautions (if any) the drivers actually took and what harm (if
any) the Union’s conduct actually posed to Glacier’s
trucks.[
9] But our different
takes on these allegations only underscore the potential for
variable outcomes when courts apply the Board’s fact-dependent
principles to bare assertions.
To the extent that the majority’s conclusion
rests on the alleged fact that “by reporting for duty and
pretending as if they would deliver the concrete, the drivers
prompted the creation of the perishable product” that “put
Glacier’s trucks in harm’s way,”
ante, at 10, I see nothing
aggravated or even untoward about that conduct. Glacier is a
concrete-delivery company whose drivers are responsible for
delivering wet concrete, so it is unremarkable that the drivers
struck at a time when there was concrete in the trucks. While
selling perishable products may be risky business, the perishable
nature of Glacier’s concrete did not impose some obligation on the
drivers to strike in the middle of the night or before the next
day’s jobs had started. To the contrary, it was entirely lawful for
the drivers to start their workday per usual, and for the Union to
time the strike to put “maximum pressure on the employer at minimum
economic cost to the union.”
NLRB v.
Insurance
Agents,
361 U.S.
477, 496 (1960); see also
Lumbee Farms Co-op., 285
N. L. R. B., at 506.
Nor was the onus of protecting Glacier’s
economic interests if a strike was called in the middle of the day
on the drivers—it was, instead, on Glacier, which could have taken
any number of prophylactic, mitigating measures.[
10] What Glacier seeks to do here is to
shift the duty of protecting an employer’s property from damage or
loss incident to a strike onto the striking workers, beyond what
the Board has already permitted via the reasonable-precautions
principle. In my view, doing that places a significant burden on
the employees’ exercise of their statutory right to strike,
unjustifiably undermining Congress’s intent. Workers are not
indentured servants, bound to continue laboring until any planned
work stoppage would be as painless as possible for their master.
They are employees whose collective and peaceful decision to
withhold their labor is protected by the NLRA even if economic
injury results.
* * *
Today, the majority fails, in multiple
respects, to heed Congress’s intent with respect to the Board’s
primary role in adjudicating labor disputes, despite ostensibly
applying
Garmon, the bedrock case on that issue. The Court’s
ruling is likely to cause considerable confusion among the lower
courts about what
Garmon requires. And any such confusion
not only threatens to encroach upon the Board’s prerogatives, as
Congress has assigned them, but also risks erosion of the right to
strike.
Yet, the posture of this case provides an
opportunity to mitigate the results of the majority’s errors. On
remand, the state court should dismiss Glacier’s complaint without
prejudice or stay its proceedings in view of the General Counsel’s
complaint. Meanwhile, the Board—which is not bound by the
allegations in Glacier’s complaint when making its assessment, and
is well equipped to make findings of fact concerning the strike
conduct at issue—should proceed to determine whether Glacier has
interfered with strike conduct that is protected by the NLRA, as
alleged by the General Counsel.