SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
_________________
No. 20–255
_________________
MAHANOY AREA SCHOOL DISTRICT, PETITIONER
v. B. L., a minor, by and through her father, LAWRENCE LEVY and her mother, BETTY LOU LEVY
on writ of certiorari to the united states court of appeals for the third circuit
[June 23, 2021]
Justice Alito, with whom Justice Gorsuch joins, concurring.
I join the opinion of the Court but write separately to explain my understanding of the Court’s decision and the framework within which I think cases like this should be analyzed. This is the first case in which we have considered the constitutionality of a public school’s attempt to regulate true off-premises student speech,[
1] and therefore it is important that our opinion not be misunderstood.[
2]
I
The Court holds—and I agree—that: the
First Amendment permits public schools to regulate
some student speech that does not occur on school premises during the regular school day;[
3] this authority is more limited than the authority that schools exercise with respect to on-premises speech;[
4] courts should be “skeptical” about the constitutionality of the regulation of off-premises speech;[
5] the doctrine of
in loco parentis “rarely” applies to off-premises speech;[
6] public school students, like all other Americans, have the right to express “unpopular” ideas on public issues, even when those ideas are expressed in language that some find
“ ‘ inappropriate ’ ” or “ ‘ hurtful ’ ”;[
7] public schools have the duty to teach students that freedom of speech, including unpopular speech, is essential to our form of self-government;[
8] the Mahanoy Area High School violated B. L.’s
First Amendment rights when it punished her for the messages she posted on her own time while away from school premises; and the judgment of the Third Circuit must therefore be affirmed.
I also agree that it is not prudent for us to attempt at this time to “set forth a broad, highly general
First Amendment rule” governing all off-premises speech.
Ante, at 6. But in order to understand what the Court has held, it is helpful to consider the framework within which efforts to regulate off-premises speech should be analyzed.
II
I start with this threshold question: Why does the
First Amendment ever allow the free-speech rights of public school students to be restricted to a greater extent than the rights of other juveniles who do not attend a public school? As the Court recognized in
Tinker v.
Des Moines Independent Community School Dist.,
393 U. S. 503, 509 (1969), when a public school regulates student speech, it acts as an arm of the State in which it is located. Suppose that B. L. had been enrolled in a private school and did exactly what she did in this case—send out vulgar and derogatory messages that focused on her school’s cheerleading squad. The Commonwealth of Pennsylvania would have had no legal basis to punish her and almost certainly would not have even tried. So why should her status as a public school student give the Commonwealth any greater authority to punish her speech?
Our cases involving the regulation of student speech have not directly addressed this question. All those cases involved either in-school speech or speech that was tantamount to in-school speech. See n. 1,
supra. And in those cases, the Court appeared to take it for granted that “the special characteristics of the school environment” justified special rules.
Morse v.
Frederick,
551 U. S. 393, 397, 403, 405, 406, n. 2, 408 (2007) (internal quotation marks omitted);
Hazelwood School Dist. v.
Kuhlmeier,
484 U. S. 260, 266 (1988) (internal quotation marks omitted);
Tinker, 393 U. S., at 506.
Why the Court took this for granted is not hard to imagine. As a practical matter, it is impossible to see how a school could function if administrators and teachers could not regulate on-premises student speech, including by imposing content-based restrictions in the classroom. In a math class, for example, the teacher can insist that students talk about math, not some other subject. See
Kuhlmeier, 484 U. S., at 279 (Brennan, J., dissenting) (“The young polemic who stands on a soapbox during calculus class to deliver an eloquent political diatribe interferes with the legitimate teaching of calculus”). In addition, when a teacher asks a question, the teacher must have the authority to insist that the student respond to that question and not some other question, and a teacher must also have the authority to speak without interruption and to demand that students refrain from interrupting one another. Practical necessity likewise dictates that teachers and school administrators have related authority with respect to other in-school activities like auditorium programs attended by a large audience. See
Bethel School Dist. No. 403 v.
Fraser,
478 U. S. 675, 685 (1986) (“A high school assembly . . . is no place for a sexually explicit monologue directed towards an unsuspecting audience of teenage students”);
id., at 689 (Brennan, J., concurring in judgment) (“In the present case, school officials sought only to ensure that a high school assembly proceed in an orderly manner”); see also
Kuhlmeier, 484 U. S., at 279 (Brennan, J., dissenting) (“[T]he student who delivers a lewd endorsement of a student-government candidate might so extremely distract an impressionable high school audience as to interfere with the orderly operation of the school”).
Because no school could operate effectively if teachers and administrators lacked the authority to regulate in-school speech in these ways, the Court may have felt no need to specify the source of this authority or to explain how the special rules applicable to in-school student speech fit into our broader framework of free-speech case law. But when a public school regulates what students say or write when they are not on school grounds and are not participating in a school program, the school has the obligation to answer the question with which I began: Why should enrollment in a public school result in the diminution of a student’s free-speech rights?
The only plausible answer that comes readily to mind is consent, either express or implied. The theory must be that by enrolling a child in a public school, parents consent on behalf of the child to the relinquishment of some of the child’s free-speech rights.
This understanding is consistent with the conditions to which an adult would implicitly consent by enrolling in an adult education class run by a unit of state or local government. If an adult signs up for, say, a French class, the adult may be required to speak French, to answer the teacher’s questions, and to comply with other rules that are imposed for the sake of orderly instruction.
When it comes to children, courts in this country have analyzed the issue of consent by adapting the common-law doctrine of
in loco parentis. See
Morse, 551 U. S., at 413–416 (Thomas, J., concurring). Under the common law, as Blackstone explained, “[a father could] delegate part of his parental authority . . . to the tutor or schoolmaster of his child; who is then
in loco parentis, and has
such a portion of the power of the parent committed to his charge, [namely,] that of restraint and correction,
as may be necessary to answer the purposes for which he is employed.” 1 W. Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws of England 441 (1765) (some emphasis added).
Blackstone’s explanation of the doctrine seems to treat it primarily as an implied term in a private employment agreement between a father and those with whom he contracted for the provision of educational services for his child,[
9] and therefore the scope of the delegation that could be inferred depended on “the purposes for which [the tutor or schoolmaster was] employed.”
Ibid. If a child was sent to a boarding school, the parents would not have been in a position to monitor or control the child’s behavior or to attend to the child’s welfare on a daily basis, and the schoolmaster would be regarded as having implicitly received the authority to perform those functions around the clock while the child was in residence. On the other hand, if parents hired a tutor to instruct a child in the home on certain subjects during certain hours, the scope of the delegation would be different. The tutor would be in charge during lessons, but the parents would retain most of their authority. In short, the scope of the delegation depended on the scope of the agreed-upon undertaking.
Today, of course, the educational picture is quite different. The education of children within a specified age range is compulsory,[
10] and States specify the minimum number of
hours per day and the minimum number of days per year that a student must attend classes, as well as many aspects of the school curriculum.[
11] Parents are not required to enroll their children in a public school. They can select a private school if a suitable one is available and they can afford the tuition, and they may also be able to educate their children at home if they have the time and ability and can meet the standards that their State imposes.[
12] But by choice or necessity, nearly 90% of the students in this country attend public schools,[
13] and parents and public schools do not enter into a contractual relationship.
If
in loco parentis is transplanted from Blackstone’s England to the 21st century United States, what it amounts to is simply a doctrine of inferred parental consent to a public school’s exercise of a degree of authority that is commensurate with the task that the parents ask the school to perform. Because public school students attend school for only part of the day and continue to live at home, the degree of authority conferred is obviously less than that delegated to the head of a late-18th century boarding school, but because public school students are taught outside the home, the authority conferred may be greater in at least some respects than that enjoyed by a tutor of Blackstone’s time.
So how much authority to regulate speech do parents implicitly delegate when they enroll a child at a public school? The answer must be that parents are treated as having relinquished the measure of authority that the schools must be able to exercise in order to carry out their state- mandated educational mission, as well as the authority to perform any other functions to which parents expressly or implicitly agree—for example, by giving permission for a child to participate in an extracurricular activity or to go on a school trip.
III
I have already explained what this delegated authority means with respect to student speech during standard classroom instruction. And it is reasonable to infer that this authority extends to periods when students are in school but are not in class, for example, when they are walking in a hall, eating lunch, congregating outside before the school day starts, or waiting for a bus after school. During the entire school day, a school must have the authority to protect everyone on its premises, and therefore schools must be able to prohibit threatening and harassing speech. An effective instructional atmosphere could not be maintained in a school, and good teachers would be hard to recruit and retain, if students were free to abuse or disrespect them. And the school has a duty to protect students while in school because their parents are unable to do that during those hours. See
Morse, 551 U. S., at 424 (Alito, J., concurring). But even when students are on school premises during regular school hours, they are not stripped of their free-speech rights.
Tinker teaches that expression that does not interfere with a class (such as by straying from the topic, interrupting the teacher or other students, etc.) cannot be suppressed unless it “involves substantial disorder or invasion of the rights of others.” 393 U. S., at 513.
IV
A
A public school’s regulation of off-premises student speech is a different matter. While the decision to enroll a student in a public school may be regarded as conferring the authority to regulate
some off-premises speech (a subject I address below), enrollment cannot be treated as a complete transfer of parental authority over a student’s speech. In our society, parents, not the State, have the primary authority and duty to raise, educate, and form the character of their children. See
Wisconsin v.
Yoder,
406 U. S. 205, 232 (1972) (“The history and culture of Western civilization reflect a strong tradition of parental concern for the nurture and upbringing of their children. This primary role of the parents in the upbringing of their children is now established beyond debate as an enduring American tradition”);
Pierce v.
Society of Sisters,
268 U. S. 510, 534–535 (1925) (discussing “the liberty of parents and guardians to direct the upbringing and education of children under their control”). Parents do not implicitly relinquish all that authority when they send their children to a public school. As the Court notes, it would be far-fetched to suggest that enrollment implicitly confers the right to regulate what a child
says or writes at all times of day and throughout the calendar year. See
ante, at 7.[
14] Any such argument would run headlong into the fundamental principle that a State “may not deny a benefit to a person on a basis that infringes his constitutionally protected . . . freedom of speech even if he has no entitlement to that benefit.”[
15]
Agency for Int’l Development v.
Alliance for Open Society Int’l, Inc.,
570 U. S. 205, 214 (2013) (internal quotation marks omitted). While the in-school restrictions discussed above are essential to the operation of a public school system, any argument in favor of expansive regulation of off-premises speech must contend with this fundamental free-speech principle.
B
The degree to which enrollment in a public school can be regarded as a delegation of authority over off-campus speech depends on the nature of the speech and the circumstances under which it occurs. I will not attempt to provide a complete taxonomy of off-premises speech, but relevant lower court cases tend to fall into a few basic groups. And with respect to speech in each of these groups, the question that courts must ask is whether parents who enroll their children in a public school can reasonably be understood to have delegated to the school the authority to regulate the speech in question.
One category of off-premises student speech falls easily within the scope of the authority that parents implicitly or explicitly provide. This category includes speech that takes place during or as part of what amounts to a temporal or spatial extension of the regular school program,
e.g., online instruction at home, assigned essays or other homework, and transportation to and from school. Also included are statements made during other school activities in which students participate with their parents’ consent, such as school trips, school sports and other extracurricular activities that may take place after regular school hours or off school premises, and after-school programs for students who would otherwise be without adult supervision during that time. Abusive speech that occurs while students are walking to and from school may also fall into this category on the theory that it is school attendance that puts students on that route and in the company of the fellow students who engage in the abuse. The imperatives that justify the regulation of student speech while in school—the need for orderly and effective instruction and student protection—apply more or less equally to these off-premises activities.
Most of the specific examples of off-premises speech that the Court mentions fall into this category. See
ante, at 6 (speech taking place during “remote learning,” “participation in other online school activities,” “activities taken for school credit,” “travel en route to and from the school,” “[the time during which] the school is responsible for the student,” and “extracurricular activities,” as well as speech taking place on “the school’s immediate surroundings” or in the context of “writing . . . papers”).[
16] The Court’s broad statements about off-premises speech must be understood with this in mind.
At the other end of the spectrum, there is a category of speech that is almost always beyond the regulatory authority of a public school. This is student speech that is not expressly and specifically directed at the school, school administrators, teachers, or fellow students and that addresses matters of public concern, including sensitive subjects like politics, religion, and social relations. Speech on such matters lies at the heart of the
First Amendment’s protection, see
Lane v.
Franks,
573 U. S. 228, 235 (2014) (“Speech by citizens on matters of public concern lies at the heart of the
First Amendment”);
Schenck v.
Pro-Choice Network of Western N. Y.,
519 U. S. 357, 377 (1997) (“Leafletting and commenting on matters of public concern are classic forms of speech that lie at the heart of the
First Amendment”);
Capital Square Review and Advisory Bd. v.
Pinette,
515 U. S. 753, 760 (1995) (“[A] free-speech clause without religion would be Hamlet without the prince”);
McIntyre v.
Ohio Elections Comm’n,
514 U. S. 334, 347 (1995) (“[A]dvocacy of a politically controversial viewpoint . . . is the essence of
First Amendment expression”);
Hustler Magazine, Inc. v.
Falwell,
485 U. S. 46, 50 (1988) (“At the heart of the
First Amendment is the recognition of the fundamental importance of the free flow of ideas and opinions on matters of public interest and concern”);
Connick v.
Myers,
461 U. S. 138, 145 (1983) (“[S]peech on public issues occupies the highest rung of the hierarchy of
First Amendment values, and is entitled to special protection” (internal quotation marks omitted)), and the connection between student speech in this category and the ability of a public school to carry out its instructional program is tenuous.
If a school tried to regulate such speech, the most that it could claim is that offensive off-premises speech on important matters may cause controversy and recriminations among students and may thus disrupt instruction and good order on school premises. But it is a “bedrock principle” that speech may not be suppressed simply because it expresses ideas that are “offensive or disagreeable.”
Texas v.
Johnson,
491 U. S. 397, 414 (1989); see also
Matal v.
Tam, 582 U. S. ___, ___–___ (2017) (slip op., at 1–2) (“Speech may not be banned on the ground that it expresses ideas that offend”);
FCC v.
Pacifica Foundation,
438 U. S. 726, 745 (1978) (opinion of Stevens, J.) (“[T]he fact that society may find speech offensive is not a sufficient reason for suppressing it”);
Young v.
American Mini Theatres, Inc., 427 U. S. 50, 63–64 (1976) (plurality opinion) (“Nor may speech be curtailed because it invites dispute, creates dissatisfaction with conditions the way they are, or even stirs people to anger”);
Street v.
New York,
394 U. S. 576, 592 (1969) (“It is firmly settled that under our Constitution the public expression of ideas may not be prohibited merely because the ideas are themselves offensive to some of their hearers”). It is unreasonable to infer that parents who send a child to a public school thereby authorize the school to take away such a critical right.
To her credit, petitioner’s attorney acknowledged this during oral argument. As she explained, even if such speech is deeply offensive to members of the school community and may cause a disruption, the school cannot punish the student who spoke out; “that would be a heckler’s veto.” Tr. of Oral Arg. 15–16.[
17] The school may suppress the disruption, but it may not punish the off-campus speech that prompted other students to engage in misconduct. See
id., at 5–6 (“[I]f listeners riot because they find speech offensive, schools should punish the rioters, not the speaker. In other words, the hecklers don’t get the veto”); see also
id., at 27–28.
This is true even if the student’s off-premises speech on a matter of public concern is intemperate and crude. When a student engages in oral or written communication of this nature, the student is subject to whatever restraints the student’s parents impose, but the student enjoys the same
First Amendment protection against government regulation as all other members of the public. And the Court has held that these rights extend to speech that is couched in vulgar and offensive terms. See,
e.g.,
Iancu v.
Brunetti, 588 U. S. ___ (2019);
Matal, 582 U. S. ___;
Snyder v.
Phelps,
562 U. S. 443 (2011);
Cohen v.
California,
403 U. S. 15 (1971);
Brandenburg v.
Ohio,
395 U. S. 444 (1969) (
per curiam).
Between these two extremes (
i.e., off-premises speech that is tantamount to on-campus speech and general statements made off premises on matters of public concern) lie the categories of off-premises student speech that appear to have given rise to the most litigation. A survey of lower court cases reveals several prominent categories. I will mention some of those categories, but like the Court, I do not attempt to set out the test to be used in judging the constitutionality of a public school’s efforts to regulate such speech.
One group of cases involves perceived threats to school administrators, teachers, other staff members, or students. Laws that apply to everyone prohibit defined categories of threats,[
18] see,
e.g., 18 Pa. Cons. Stat. §2706(a);[
19] Tex. Penal Code Ann. §22.07(a) (West 2020),[
20] but schools have
claimed that their duties demand broader authority.[
21]
Another common category involves speech that criticizes or derides school administrators, teachers, or other staff members.[
22] Schools may assert that parents who send their children to a public school implicitly authorize the school to demand that the child exhibit the respect that is required for orderly and effective instruction, but parents surely do not relinquish their children’s ability to complain in an appropriate manner about wrongdoing, dereliction, or even plain incompetence. See Brief for College Athlete Advocates as
Amicus Curiae 12–21; Brief for Student Press Law Center et al. as
Amici Curiae 10–11, 17–20, 30.
Perhaps the most difficult category involves criticism or hurtful remarks about other students.[
23] Bullying and severe harassment are serious (and age-old) problems, but these concepts are not easy to define with the precision required for a regulation of speech. See,
e.g.,
Saxe v.
State College Area School Dist., 240 F. 3d 200, 206–207 (CA3 2001).
V
The present case does not fall into any of these categories. Instead, it simply involves criticism (albeit in a crude manner) of the school and an extracurricular activity. Unflattering speech about a school or one of its programs is different from speech that criticizes or derides particular individuals, and for the reasons detailed by the Court and by Judge Ambro in his separate opinion below, the school’s justifications for punishing B. L.’s speech were weak. She sent the messages and image in question on her own time while at a local convenience store. They were transmitted via a medium that preserved the communication for only 24 hours, and she sent them to a select group of “friends.” She did not send the messages to the school or to any administrator, teacher, or coach, and no member of the school staff would have even known about the messages if some of B. L.’s “friends” had not taken it upon themselves to spread the word.
The school did not claim that the messages caused any significant disruption of classes. The most it asserted along
these lines was that they “upset” some students (including members of the cheerleading squad),[
24] caused students to ask some questions about the matter during an algebra class taught by a cheerleading coach,[
25] and put out “negativity . . . that could impact students in the school.”[
26] The freedom of students to speak off-campus would not be worth much if it gave way in the face of such relatively minor complaints. Speech cannot be suppressed just because it expresses thoughts or sentiments that others find upsetting, and the algebra teacher had the authority to quell in-class discussion of B. L.’s messages and demand that the students concentrate on the work of the class.
As for the messages’ effect on the morale of the cheerleading squad, the coach of a team sport may wish to take group cohesion and harmony into account in selecting members of the team, in assigning roles, and in allocating playing time, but it is self-evident that this authority has limits. (To take an obvious example, a coach could not discriminate against a student for blowing the whistle on serious misconduct.) And here, the school did not simply take B. L.’s messages into account in deciding whether her attitude would make her effective in doing what cheerleaders are primarily expected to do: encouraging vocal fan support at the events where they appear. Instead, the school imposed punishment: suspension for a year from the cheerleading squad despite B. L.’s apologies.
There is, finally, the matter of B. L.’s language. There are parents who would not have been pleased with B. L.’s language and gesture, but whatever B. L.’s parents thought about what she did, it is not reasonable to infer that they gave the school the authority to regulate her choice of language when she was off school premises and not engaged in any school activity. And B. L.’s school does not claim that it possesses or makes any effort to exercise the authority to regulate the vocabulary and gestures of all its students 24 hours a day and 365 days a year.
There are more than 90,000 public school principals in this country[
27] and more than 13,000 separate school districts.[
28] The overwhelming majority of school administrators, teachers, and coaches are men and women who are deeply dedicated to the best interests of their students, but it is predictable that there will be occasions when some will get carried away, as did the school officials in the case at hand. If today’s decision teaches any lesson, it must be that the regulation of many types of off-premises student speech raises serious
First Amendment concerns, and school officials should proceed cautiously before venturing into this territory.