After a declaration of war, an American citizen cannot lawfully
send a vessel to the enemy's country to bring away his
property.
Everything that issues from a hostile country is
prima
facie the property of the enemy, and it is incumbent on the
plaintiff to support the negative of the proposition. But if the
claimant be a citizen or an ally, at the same time that he makes
out his interest, he confesses the commission of an offense which,
under a well known rule of the civil law, deprives him of his right
to prosecute his claim.
The law of prize is part of the law of nations. In it a hostile
character is attached to trade independently of the character of
the trader who pursues or directs it. Condemnation is equally the
fate of the property of the belligerent and of property found
engaged in anti-neutral trade.
The trading with an enemy condemned by the prize law does not
simply consist in negotiation or contract. Intercourse,
inconsistent with actual hostility, is the offense against which
the operation of the rule is directed.
Page 12 U. S. 156
The material facts in the case were these:
Jabez Harrison, a native American citizen, the claimant and
appellant in this case, had purchased a quantity of English goods
in England before the declaration of war by the United States
against that country and deposited them on a small island belonging
to the English, called Indian Island and situated near the line
between Nova Scotia and the United States. Upon the breaking out of
the war, Harrison's agents in Boston hired the
Rapid, a
vessel licensed and enrolled for the cod fishery, to proceed to the
place of deposit and bring away the goods. The
Rapid
accordingly sailed from Boston on 3 July, 1812, with Harrison, the
claimant, on board, proceeded to Eastport, where Harrison was left,
and from thence, agreeably to Harrison's orders, to Indian Island,
where the cargo in question was taken on board. On 8 July, while on
her return, she was captured by the
Jefferson privateer on
the high seas and brought into Salem. The goods, being libeled as
prize, and claimed by Harrison as his property, were condemned in
the Circuit Court of Massachusetts to the captors on the ground
that, by "trading with the enemy," they had acquired the character
of enemies' property.
A claim was also interposed by the United States on the ground
of a violation by the
Rapid of the nonintercourse act.
This claim was also rejected. From the decree of the circuit court,
the United States and Harrison appealed.
Page 12 U. S. 159
JOHNSON, J. delivered the opinion of the Court as follows:
This capture was made on the high seas about a month after the
declaration of war. The claimant, Harrison, had purchased a
quantity of English goods in England, "a long time," to use his own
language, before the declaration of war, and deposited them on a
small island called Indian Island, near to the line between Nova
Scotia and these states. Upon the breaking out of the war, his
agents in Boston hired the
Rapid, a licensed vessel in the
cod fishery, to proceed to the place of deposit and bring away
these goods. On her return, she was captured by the
Jefferson privateer, and was condemned for trading with
the enemy's country.
Page 12 U. S. 160
On the argument it was contended in behalf of the appellant that
this was not a "trading" within the meaning of the cases cited to
support the condemnation; that on the breaking out of a war, every
citizen had a right, and it was the interest of the community to
permit her citizens, to withdraw property lying in an enemy's
country and purchased before the war; finally, that neither the
declaration of war nor the commission of the privateer authorized
the capture of this vessel and cargo, as they were in fact American
property.
It is understood that the claim of the United States for the
forfeiture is not now interposed. The Court therefore enters upon
this consideration unembarrassed by a claim which would otherwise
ride over every question now before us.
This is the first case since its organization in which this
Court has been called upon to assert the rights of war against the
property of a citizen. It is with extreme hesitation and under a
deep sense of the delicacy of the duty which we are called upon to
discharge that we proceed to adjudge the forfeiture of private
right upon principles of public law highly penal in their nature
and unfortunately too little understood.
But a new state of things has occurred -- a new character has
been assumed by this nation which involves it in new relations and
confers on it new rights; which imposes a new class of obligations
on our citizens and subjects them to new penalties.
The nature and consequences of a state of war must direct us to
the conclusions which we are to form on this case.
On this point there is really no difference of opinion among
jurists. There can be none among those who will distinguish between
what it is in itself and what it ought to be under the influence of
a benign morality and the modern practice of civilized nations.
In the state of war, nation is known to nation only by their
armed exterior, each threatening the other with conquest or
annihilation. The individuals who compose
Page 12 U. S. 161
the belligerent states exist as to each other in a state of
utter occlusion. If they meet, it is only in combat.
War strips man of his social nature; it demands of him the
suppression of those sympathies which claim man for a brother, and
accustoms the ear of humanity to hear with indifference -- perhaps
exultation -- "that thousands have been slain."
These are not the gloomy reveries of the bookman. From the
earliest time of which historians have written or poets imagined,
the victor conquered but to slay, and slew but to triumph over the
body of the vanquished. Even when philosophy had done all that
philosophy could do to soften the nature of man, war continued the
gladiatorial combat; the vanquished bled wherever caprice
pronounced her fiat. To the benign influence of the Christian
religion it remained to shed a few faint rays upon the gloom of war
-- a feeble light but barely sufficient to disclose it horrors.
Hence, many rules have been introduced into modern warfare at which
humanity must rejoice, but which owe their existence altogether to
mutual concession and constitute so many voluntary relinquishments
of the rights of war. To understand what it is in itself and what
it is under the influence of modern practice, we have but too many
opportunities of comparing the habits of savage with those of
civilized warfare.
On the subject which particularly affects this case, there has
been no general relaxation. The universal sense of nations has
acknowledged the demoralizing effects that would result from the
admission of individual intercourse. The whole nation are embarked
in one common bottom, and must be reconciled to submit to one
common fate. Every individual of the one nation must acknowledge
every individual of the other nation as his own enemy because the
enemy of his country. It is not necessary to quote the authorities
on this subject; they are numerous, explicit, respectable, and have
been ably commented upon in the argument.
But after deciding what is the duty of the citizen, the question
occurs what is the consequence of a breach of that duty?
Page 12 U. S. 162
The law of prize is part of the law of nations. In it, a hostile
character is attached to trade independently of the character of
the trader who pursues or directs it. Condemnation to the use of
the captor is equally the fate of the property of the belligerent
and of the property found engaged in anti-neutral trade. But a
citizen or ally may be engaged in a hostile trade, and thereby
involve his property in the fate of those in whose cause he
embarks.
This liability of the property of a citizen to condemnation as
prize of war may be likewise accounted for under other
considerations. Everything that issues from a hostile country is,
prima facie, the property of the enemy, and it is
incumbent upon the claimant to support the negative of the
proposition. But if the claimant be a citizen or an ally at the
same time that he makes out his interest, he confesses the
commission of an offense which, under a well known rule of the
civil law, deprives him of his right to prosecute his claim.
This doctrine, however, does not rest upon abstract reason. It
is supported by the practice of the most enlightened (perhaps we
may say of all) commercial nations. And it affords us full
confidence in our decision that we find, upon recurring to the
records of the court of appeals in prize cases established during
the Revolutionary War, that in various cases it was reasoned upon
as the acknowledged law of that court. Certain it is that it was
the law of England before the revolution, and therefore constitutes
a part of the admiralty and maritime jurisdiction conferred on this
Court in pursuance of the Constitution.
After taking this general view of the principal doctrine on this
subject, we will consider the points made in behalf of the claimant
in this case, and:
1. Whether this was a trading, in the eye of the prize law, such
as will subject the property to capture?
The force of the argument on this point depends upon the terms
made use of. If by "trading," in prize law, was meant that
signification of the term which consists in negotiation or
contract, this case would certainly not come under the penalties of
the rule. But the object, policy, and spirit of the rule is to cut
off all communication or actual
Page 12 U. S. 163
locomotive intercourse between individuals of the belligerent
states. Negotiation or contract has therefore no necessary
connection with the offense. Intercourse inconsistent with actual
hostility is the offense against which the operation of the rule is
directed, and by substituting this definition for that of trading
with an enemy, an answer is given to this argument.
2. Whether, on the breaking out of a war, the citizen has a
right to remove to his own country with his property is a question
which we conceive does not arise in this case. This claimant
certainly had not a right to leave the United States for the
purpose of bringing home his property from an enemy country; much
less could he claim it as a right to bring into this country goods
the importation of which was expressly prohibited. As to the claim
for the vessel, it is founded on no pretext whatever, for the
undertaking, besides being in violation of two laws of the United
States, was altogether voluntary and inexcusable. With regard to
the importations from Great Britain about this time, it is well
known that the forfeiture was released on grounds of policy and a
supposed obligation induced by the assurance which had been held
out by the American charge d'affaires in England. But this claimant
could allege no such excuse.
3. On the third point, we are of opinion that the foregoing
observations furnish a sufficient answer.
If the right to capture property thus offending grows out of the
state of war, it is enough to support the condemnation in this case
that the act of Congress should produce a state of war and that the
commission of the privateer should authorize the capture of any
property that shall assume the belligerent character.
Such a character we are of opinion this vessel and cargo took
upon herself, or at least she is deprived of the right to prove
herself otherwise.
We are aware that there may exist considerable hardship in this
case; the owners, both of vessel and cargo may have been
unconscious that they were violating the duties which a state of
war imposed upon them. It does not appear that they meant a daring
violation either
Page 12 U. S. 164
of the laws or belligerent rights of their country. But it is
the unenvied province of this Court to be directed by the head, and
not the heart. In deciding upon principles that must define the
rights and duties of the citizen and direct the future decisions of
justice, no latitude is left for the exercise of feeling.